THE 



LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL 



WILLIAM H. HAERISON, • 



NINTH PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, 



BY 



Hf MONTGOMERY. 



SECOND EDITION. 



NEW YORK MD AUBURN : 
MILLER, ORTON & MULLIGAN. 

KEW TOEK: 25 PARK BOW. — AUBDSN: 107 GESBBEE-8T. 

1857. 



^ 






^' 




Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year of our 
Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty-two, by Tooker and 
Gatchell, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United 
States, for the District of Ohio. 






/" f^ - 2 -^ <' 






TO 

MAJOR GENERAL WINFIELD SCOTT, 

TUE HERO, THE PATRIOT, AND 
THE STATESMAN, 

WHOSE FAME FILLS THE "WOELD, 

AND WHOSE EFFORTS TO 

MAINTAIN PEACE 

HAYE AS MUCH ENDEARED HIM TO HIS COUNTRYMEN 
AS BIS OLOaiOUS ACmEYEMENTS 

IN WAR, 

•WHOSE LIFE FROM BOYHOOD UP 

HAS BEEN SPENT IN DEFENDING THE HONOR 

And promoting Oie welfare of his Country, 

THIS WORK IS 

RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED, 

AS A SUGHT TOKEN OF THE ESTEEM ENTERTAINED POR 

HIS CHARACTER, 

Ain> TOE GBATITin>£ FELT FOR HIS SERVICES, 

BY THE AUTHOR. 




PREFACE. 



\ 



Another life of so eminent a general, and so 
unselfish a patriot, as William Henry Harrison, — 
a man whose history is almost literally the history of 
the country for fifty of the seventy-five years which 
make up the length of our national existence, — was 
not undertaken with the hope of producing anything 
either novel or exciting. No such ambitious design 
prompted the compiler to the temerity of attempting 
what had already been done by a Hall and a Todd. 
His humble object has been to combine, in a single 
volume, as much of what is now scattered throuirhout 
many, and all over the records of the times, as he 
considered of sufficient interest. No memoir of Gen- 
eral Harrison but contains something that others do 
not, and much, indeed, that ought to be preserved to 
1* 



VI PREFACE. 



the country, in a more durable and attractive form 
than a badly printed shilling pamphlet. Most of the 
biographies, too, of the eminent soldier and civilian, 
were written with the single view to promote his elec- 
tion to the presidency. This destroys none of their 
merit, nor diminishes the value of the many facts and 
truths they contain ; but it is a reason why they 
contain also much that cannot claim to be preserved 
in a sober, posthumous biography, written, not to ad- 
vance the political fortunes nor to defend the political 
character, but to do justice to the memory and faith- 
fully to describe the acts of an eminent man. 
• It has elsewhere been said, that not a complete 
biography of General Harrison, in a permanent form, 
has ever been published. Judge Hall's Memoirs, and 
Sketches of Harrison, by Colonel C. S. Todd and 
Benjamin Drake, Esq., are both admirable in many 
respects. But the first was written previous to 1835, 
to promote his first nomination to the presidency, and 
is therefore necessarily defective, stopping as it does 
far short of the most important event in his career. 
The other is much more complete, though it was 
originally prepared under the supervision of a politi- 
cal committee, with a political design solely. It was 



PREFACE. Vll 

much extended after his death. - These comprise the 
only attempts of any pretension that have ever been 
made to present the public with even a tolerably full 
sketch of William Henry Harrison's life. There 
are also many other sketches of his life of more or 
less merit, but all having for their aim the single ob- 
ject of promoting his political prospects. 

And yet to these unpretending little works the 
compiler is indebted for much of whatever merit may 
be accorded to his enterprise. He is also greatly in- 
debted to McAfee's History of the Late War, to 
Burnett's JVotes on the North-ive stern Territory, Mo- 
nette's Valley of the Mississippi, Frost's Book of the 
Army, Dawson's Historical Narrative, Niles' Regis- 
ter, and, above all, to Brackenridge's Late War. 
He has made free use of their pages wherever he 
has found anything to his purpose or taste. It may 
be that he has not been over scrupulous in giving 
them credit as he went along for all the good things 
he has thus appropriated. The fear that he may 
have done them this great wrong, and the equally 
strong fear that he will be thought to have attempt- 
ed thus to appear in borrowed plumes, has prompted 
him to make an acknowledgment, which he trusts is 



VIU PREFACE. 

broad enough to cover all his delinquencies of this 
character. 

He claims but little originality for his book. He 
might, perhaps, assume for it something more than a 
compilation, with as much justice as many others ; 
but a discriminating public would discover the at- 
tempted cheat as it is discovered in other cases. 
Policy, therefore, as well as honesty, has induced him 
to claim no more than he deserves, believing that the 
most certain means of securing quite as much. It is 
not much, indeed, in regard to such a man as Harri- 
son, that has not already somewhere and in some 
shape been said. If the following pages have a re- 
deeming point it can only be that there has been 
grouped together within the more of them facts that 
make up his public life than are anywhere else to be 
found. As many of these facts as were accessible, 
which were considered necessary to complete the rec- 
ord of his acts, illustrate his character, and do justice 
to his memory, will be found there. 

Some things may be found in the Appendix, which 
have little apparent, and indeed little real, connection 
with a Life of General Harrison. But still it is be- 
lieved they will be admitted to occupy an appropriate 



PREFACE. IZ 

place, and to possess an interest and value that en- 
titles them to it. Some are important for the instruc- 
tion they give, some for the information they contain, 
some for the pleasure they will afford, and others as 
simple matters of reference. And it may be thought, 
that only so many of the events of the war of 1812, 
as transpired within the range of General Harrison's 
command, should have been recorded in a Life of 
Harrison ; but the compiler believed his name and 
fame sufficiently identified with the whole war to 
make appropriate a brief sketch of all its most re- 
markable incidents. This, therefore, has been done, 
and it is trusted the book will possess none the less 
interest for the innovation. 

Little more need be said, — and perhaps it would 
have been better for the book if much less had been 
said. The compiler has labored to make it as deserv- 
ing the great merit of its subject, and as worthy of 
public approbation, as his humble abilities would per- 
mit. To what degree of merit it is entitled, and how 
near it comes to the point at which it aspires, he is 
quite willing to submit to the universal umpire in all 
similar cases ; and this he is all the more wilhng to 
do, as he has not been able to discover any alternative. 



X PREFACE. 

The only merit he will therefore absolutely claim, is 
that of making a virtue of necessity, and of submit- 
ting with cheerfulness to what an inexorable necessity- 
imposes. 

Auburn, July 1852. 



INTRODUCTION. 

4^ 



The cheapest as well as the most enduring monu- 
ment that can be erected to the memory of those 
whose virtues and public services have endeared them 
to their countrymen is a true and impartial history 
of their lives, and a faithful record of their acts. 
Monuments of stone, the sculptured marble, and the 
animated canvas, may preserve to their posterity, for 
a few ages, the names of our statesmen, and patriots, 
and heroes ; but it requires the ever living and speak- 
ing pages of written history to perpetuate what is 
far more useful to mankind, and much more worthy 
to be held in everlasting remembrance — their great 
and noble deeds, and the examples of wisdom and 
virtue presented in their lives. While the pyramids 
and other monuments of antiquity throw but the 
faintest possible light upon the character and history 
of the people, by whom they \vere built, and have 
scarcely preserved even the names of those to whose 
memory, or the events to commemorate which they 



XU INTRODUCTION. 

were erected, written history has made us familiar 
with all we know of the men and their history, as 
well as the manners and customs, not only of that, 
but a much earlier period. 

Though the monument which the American people 
are now erecting, at the capital of the nation, to the 
memory of its founder and the Father of his country, 
is a tribute to George Washington, most grateful to 
the heart of every true American, and though it may 
stand long after the Union has ceased to exist, yet 
if there were no more lasting record of his services to 
his country, and his unrivaled virtues, than that pile 
of crumbling marble, a few ages hence it might be 
a disputed point, whether it was reared by "the great 
American rebel" as a monument at once of his suc- 
cessful treason and his overweaning ambition, for a 
shot-tower, or as a tomb for American kings. It is 
only by books that the history of nations and men 
can be permanently preserved from oblivion. What 
is true of Washington is equally true of every other 
distinguished American, and it is as much a duty to 
transmit to their posterity a correct account of their 
acts, for its benefit and example, as it is to exhibit 
our gratitude for their public services, by raising to 
their memories lofty monuments. 

It has already been said, that this is the cheapest 
as well as the most enduring means of honoring the 
memories of national benefactors, and illustrating their 
virtues, as it is the only means of preserving a faith- 



INTRODUCTION. Xlll 

ful record of their lives. Biograpliies of the great 
and good are, besides one of the most interesting and 
agreeable, one of the most useful studies. Certain it 
is, at all events, that no class of books is so eagerly 
read by the American public as the lives of our own 
distinguished patriots, statesmen, and generals. Our 
country, is not so old yet, but it may almost be said, 
that the life of every citizen composes a part of its 
history — at least, that every American can recollect 
much of its history, from the day it began its struggle 
for an independent national existence. Biographies, 
therefore, of the men who have contributed most to- 
wards establishing that independence, and who have 
participated most actively and successfully in creating 
for us national character and importance, are sought 
for more with the interest and avidity that we exhibit 
for an account of the scenes, and events, and men, 
with which and with whom we are familiar in every- 
day life, than with that sober and philosophical spirit 
;)f investigation, which is shown for that class of bio- 
graphical writings, w^hich more exclusively and ap- 
propriately help to form the history of the past. 

Great as this demand has been for a history of 
the lives of those who have distinguished themselves, 
either in the field, the cabinet, the forum, or the pul- 
pit, it still seems to increase in proportion to the ef- 
forts made to supply it ; and the Life of one distin- 
guished man but creates a desire for that of another, 
and that again for still th« third. And thus the 



XIV INTRODUCTION. 

public appetite is increased indefinitely by what it 
feeds upon, like that of the inebriate for the intoxica- 
ting cup, after he has once tasted its contents. The 
American press has been prompt to take advantage 
of this determination in the public mind, to know 
the history of our public men, and it annually teems 
with hundreds and thousands of volumes, embracing 
every degree of merit, from the mere hasty compila- 
tion to those displaying profound research, philo- 
sophical enquiry, and striking originality of thought. 
They all, however, if they but exhibit a reasonable 
regard for the truth ot history, and a fair share of 
skill and industry in the use of materials, find eager, 
or at least abundant, readers. 

It is with the hope of contributing something to- 
wards satisfying the public desire for this kind of 
knowledge, but more with the view of erecting a 
"monument," though a very humble one, to com- 
memorate the services of a great General, a pure Pa- 
triot, and a distinguished Statesman, and to supply 
what is believed to be a public want, that another Life 
of William Henry Harrison has been undertaken. 
As large a space as he filled in the public eye for 
nearly half a century, important as were the services 
he rendered his country, great as were his virtues, 
and closely as his name is identified with the history 
of the government, it is a singular fact, that the whole 
history of his life has never yet been published in a 
single volume. 



INTUOnurTION. XV 

The Imlf century between tlie entrance of General 
Harrison upon public life, in 1791, in defence of what 
was tlien the wild western portion of our country, and 
his deatli in 1841, embraces almost the whole period 
of our existence as an independent nation. Commen- 
cing his career, nearly cotemporaneously with tho 
adoption of the constitution under which we now live, 
he grew up with the country, and lived to see the 
original thirteen States of the Union multiplied into 
twice that number ; the population of the country in- 
creased from four to seventeen millions, and instead 
of a weak and distracted people, but recently emerged 
from a long and bloody war, and just entering upon 
the doubtful experiment of self-government, scarcely 
respected at home, and openly derided abroad — a great 
and flourishing republic, respected and feared by the 
nations of the earth, afibrding security to its own cit- 
izens, and a refuge and protection to the oppressed of 
every land. 

We had, to be sure, as already stated, just emerg- 
ed from that glorious struggle which ended in giving 
us a name amongst independent nations, and in per- 
manently establishing the only free form of govern- 
ment that had then ever existed. But, though we 
had succeeded in asserting our freedom of a foreign 
yoke, we could yet scarcely claim to be really inde- 
pendent. The country had hardly begun to recover 
from the exhausting effects of the war of the Revolu- 
tion, and it was still suffering the curse of poverty, 



XVI INTRODUCTION. 

and the moral as well as physical debility, produced 
by that long and relentless contest. The government 
was without credit, without resources, and almost 
literally bankrupt. 

The north-western territory, with whose history the 
name of General Harrison is more closely interwoven 
than that of any other American, was then almost one 
unbroken wilderness. The first emigrants, to what is 
now the seat of empire of the American Union, plant- 
ed ihemselves at the mouth of the Muskingum but 
three /ears before he forsook the pleasures and com- 
forts of ,^ome and of civilized life, to aid in defending 
the infant settlements from the ruthless savages, who 
claimed undisputed possession of that vast region. 

What a change was wrought in this wild region 
during the fifty years that began with his military 
services, at the age of nineteen, and ended with his 
elevation to the presidency of a great and powerful 
nation ! The wild north-western territory of 1791, 
in 1841 embraced several of the most powerful States 
of the Union, holding in their hands the destinies of 
a mighty republic, scattered all over with populous 
cities, and flourishing villages, and seats of learning, 
manufactures, rail-roads, canals, and every other in- 
dication of the highest state of civilization. The crack 
of the hunter's rifle is now nowhere heard, and the 
once powerful savage nations, who then held undis- 
puted dominion over those unbroken forests, have loiio- 
since wholly disappeared. Civilization reigns supreme 



INTRODUCTION. XVU 

where, but little more than half a century ago, nothing 
was heard but the war-whoop of the Indian, or the 
howl of the beasts of prey. All this almost miracu- 
lous change General Harrison lived to witness, and 
to contribute his full share to bring about. What in 
other countries and in other ages of the world would 
have required many generations to accomplish was 
here wrought during the public life of a single man. 
In that brief half century we made a longer stride to- 
wards greatness and power than even ancient Rome, 
with all her boasted progress, did in ten centuries.* 

All that is physically, intellectually, or politically 
essential to national strength and power, is undeniably 
to be found in the geographical position and extent of 
our territory, in the character of our people, and the 
form of our government ; or rather, these undeniable 
advantages of position, character, and institutions, 
have already given us a higher rank in the scale of 
nations than any other people ever reached in many 
centuries. The United States is now only the second 
power in Christendom, and before the present genera- 
tion has passed away, estimating the future by the 
past, it will no longer occupy even a secondary posi- 
tion. At least, nothing but our own folly, and those 
intestine commotions and feuds, which have ever been 
the rock upon which free governments have wrecked, 
can snatch from us the sceptre of empire which Pro- 
vidence seems to have destined for our country.^ 

* See Appendix (A), 

; 2* 



XVlll INTRODUCTION. 

That we owe much of our present greatness and 
prosperity to the wisdom of our statesmen, and to the 
ability and patriotism of the men who have phiyed 
the most conspicuous part in the afiairs of the Re- 
public, as well as to the virtue, intelligence, and na- 
tive energy of the people, is a proposition too self- 
evident for argument. To the sages, patriots, and 
heroes of the revolution, undoubtedly belongs the 
chief glory of founding a great and free nation, andr 
establishing a government, wiiich afibrds the blessings 
of civil and religious liberty to so many millions of 
people, and which holds out in the future so much of 
hope and promise to the oppressed and suifering mil- 
lions of other nations. But all their labors, and sacri- 
fices, and sufferings would have been of little avail, 
if the duty of carrying out the principles, and of per- 
fecting the designs, contemplated by the noble system 
of government they created, had fallen upon ambitious 
demagogues, or narrow-minded statesmen. Fortunate- 
ly for us, for our posterity, and for the world, how- 
ever, what was so well begun by them, has been as 
wisely carried out by their successors. The spirit of 
patriotism, with which the founders of our govern- 
ment were so eminently embued, was shared by those 
on whom devolved the task of perfecting their noble 
work. 

This is especially true of General Harrison. In- 
deed, he inherited patriotism from one of the most 
devoted spirits who bequeathed to us, besides their 



INTRODUCTION. XIX 

patriotism, the inestimable blessings of the free insti- 
tutions, of "whose great benefits "we all now partake. 
Stimulated by the example of the revolutionary pa- 
triot whose name he bore, and whose blood coursed in 
his veins, possessed of superior talents, and occupying 
a large field for usefulness and renown, he had the 
power, and he did not fail to exert it, to contribute 
largely to that eminence which is the envy of other 
nations, and towards securing those privileges which 
are our own greatest boast. Anything like a faithful 
biography of one who, for so long a portion of our 
national existence, performed so prominent a part in 
public affairs, and filled so large a space in the public 
eye, though destitute of great skill, and marked by 
no very profound ability, cannot fail to be received 
with favor, if with no very warm approval. The acts 
of such a man are ever of deep interest to those, to 
whose services he devoted his life, however clumsily 
they may be recorded. 



THE LIPE 



OP 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON, 



CHAPTER I. 

William Henry Harrison was born at Berkley, 
Charles City County, in Virginia, February 9th, 1773, 
and was the third 'son of Benjamin Harrison, a lead- 
ing patriot of the revolution, and one of the most 
prominent actors in the events that lead to that glo- 
rious struggle for independence. He was a descend- 
ant of Colonel John Harrison, a distinguished officer 
during the civil wars of England, and one of the 
judges who tried and condemned the ill-fated Charles, 
for which, and for his active participation in the af- 
fairs of the Commonwealth, he was himself tried and 
executed after the Restoration. 

Benjamin Harrison, the father of William Henry, 
was, as has already been stated, one of the leading. 



22 THE LIFE OF 

most devoted, and most influential of the many noble 
patriots, whose virtues, and talents, and self-sacrificing 
love of country, the occasion called into requisition. 
He was amongst the first to embrace the cause of the 
people in the contest with Great Britain, which pre- 
ceded the resort to arms, and one of the last who 
would have yielded one hair's breadth to her tyran- 
nical and haughty demands. The patriot cause had 
no more active, uncompromising, and fearless defend- 
er and advocate, nor any whose services were more 
important, or whose counsels were wiser, than Benja- 
min Harrison's. 

At the early age of twenty-one years, he was elect- 
ed a member of the House of Burgesses of the Colony 
of Virginia, in which capacity he gave such signal 
evidence of ability and rising distinction as to attract 
the immediate attention of the English government. 
And in order to rid themselves of one who gave pro- 
mise of becoming so powerful and dangerous an op- 
ponent of British aggression, and so eloquent and ef- 
fective a champion of the people's rights, they attempt- 
ed to purchase his friendship, or at least his silence, 
by offering him a place in the Executive Council of 
the colony, notwithstanding he had yet scarcely reach- 
ed the age of manhood. Though this was a distinc- 
tion corresponding in character with that of member 
of the English Privy Council, and presented decided 
advantages, and opened future prospects of promotion 
and distinction, that few so young, with the necessity 
before them of carving out their own fortunes, ever 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 2S 

possessed virtue and patriotism sufficient to resist, — 
young Harrison indignantly and promptly rejected it. 
He had already seen enough of the grasping disposi- 
tion and the grinding oppression of the British gov- 
ernment throughout the American colonies to under- 
stand what was to be expected by a tame submission, 
or passive obedience, to these incipient measures of a 
tyrannical prince. Between his own interest and ad- 
vancement and the submission of his country on the 
one hand, and the possible fate of a rebel or the in- 
dependence of his country on the other, he did not 
for a moment hesitate. He decided to take sides with 
the people in the approaching struggle between them 
and the mother country, and to share with them the 
fortune, good or ill, of the unequal contest. 

From the termination of his duties as a member 
of the House of Burgesses, until the imposition of the 
attempted obnoxious Stamp Act, little is recorded of 
the life of Mr. Harrison, beyond his continued and 
zealous resistance to every attempt, on the part of 
England, to abridge the liberties of the colonies. But, 
in 1764, he was appointed one of a committee to pre- 
pare a remonstrance against that odious Act, a meas- 
ure at that time in contemplation by the British cab- 
inet, and which soon after actually became a law. If 
anything had yet been wanting to decide the future 
course of Harrison and the other patriots of the dif- 
ferent colonies, this adoption of the principle of tax- 
ation without representation would have left them no 
longer room for hesitation. From that time he con- 



24 THE LIFE OF 

tinued to exert all the energies of his strong mind and 
his great influence, in connection with the other noble 
spirits of the day, towards the maintenance of that 
civil, religious, and political liberty, for which they 
had already suffered and sacrificed so much, and in 
resisting the encroachments of a profligate govern- 
ment. 

In 1774 he was elected a member from Virginia 
to the Continental Congress, which assembled at Phil- 
adelphia, in September of that year. That Congress 
being unwilling quite to close the door of reconcilia- 
tion, made a last attempt to bring the parent govern- 
ment to a sense of justice, adopted a pacific and con- 
ciliatory address to the crown, proposing such condi- 
tions of settlement as a proper regard for their honor 
and the rights of the colonies would permit. After 
having adopted this measure of peace, it adjourned, 
patiently and calmly to atvait the result of the appeal. 

He was also elected a member of the Continental 
Congress from Virginia, in 1775. Soon after the 
meeting of this Congress, his brother-in-law, Peyton 
Randolph, vacated the office of Speaker of Congress, 
and the duty devolved upon it of electing a new 
speaker. The members were divided in their prefer- 
ence of a successor to Mr. Randolph, between Mr. 
Harrison and John Hancock, of Massachusetts. But 
Mr. Harrison, with the magnanimity of a noble irind, 
promptly waived his claims in favor of Mr. Hancock. 
Upon modestly hesitating to accept the office after bis 
election, through distrust in his capacity and ability 



^VILLTAM HENRY irARRI.SON. 25 

for the proper discharge of its responsibilities, Harri- 
son seized him in his athletic arms, and placed him in 
the presidential chair, exclaiming as he did so, "Wo 
Avill show mother Britain how little we care for her, 
by making a Massachusetts man our president, Avhom 
she has excluded from pardon by a public proclama- 
tion." 

On the 4tli of June of the same year, he was se- 
lected a member of a committee to place the Ameri- 
can Colonies in a state of defence. The report of 
that committee, which was made after a month's earn- 
est deliberation, formed the basis of the present militia 
system of the United States. In the following Sep- 
tember he was also appointed a member of a commit- 
tee, in connection with the immortal "Washinirton, vdio 
devised and perfected a plan for the support of the 
provincial army, and was chairman of the committee 
through whose agency Lafayette and his companions 
were induced to enlist in the American cause, as well 
as a member of the Board of War.* 

On the 10th of June 1776, Harrison called up the 
resolution, ofi'cred tln-ee days before by one of his col- 
leagues, Richard Ilenvy Lee, declaring ''that the 
L^nited Colonies are, and ought to be, free and inde- 
pendent States ; that they are absolved from all alle- 
giance to the British Crown, and that all political 
connection between them and the State of Great Bri- 
tain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved." Though 

" SanJersou's Lives of the Signers of the Declaration of In- 
dependence. 

o 
O 



26 THE LIFE OF 

this bold proposition to dismember the British Empire 
was received with great anxiety by all, and was 
strongly opposed by some, yet in Harrison it found 
an eloquent, able, and unflinching advocate, and after 
two days of very warm debate was finally passed by 
a bare majority. In accordance with this resolution, 
a committee was appointed to prepare a Declaration 
of Independence. They reported a draft on the 28th 
of June, and on the 1st of July it was adopted in 
committee of the whole, nine States out of the thir- 
teen having voted for it ; and on the Fourth of July 
it was finally passed, and published to the world. 

Amongst the signers to this "Great Charter" of 
American liberty is the name of Benjamin Harrison. 
To illustrate the fearless and cheerful character of the 
man, and to show in how much dread he stood of Brit- 
ish vengeance while about to take a step by which he 
would forfeit his life if the colonists should prove un- 
successful, a curious anecdote is recorded of him. On 
signing the Declaration, he turned to Elbridge Gerry, 
— one of the delegates from Massachusetts, who was 
standing beside him, and who was as slender and thin 
as Harrison was vigorous and portly, — and remarked 
to him with a pleasant smile, " AYhen the hanging- 
scene comes I shall have the advantage over you, for 
it will be all over Avith me in a minute, but you will 
be kicking in the air half an hour after I am gone." 

Mr. Harrison remained in Congress until 1778, 
and continued to exert all his powers and influence 
in behalf of the cause of his struggling country. 



AVIl.l.IA.M IIKNKV HAUIUSOX. Ii7 

At the eiul of thut time lie witlidrew from Congress, 
but not from tlic cause lie hud so ardently espoused 
and so zealously defended. Soon after, he was elected 
a member of the ] louse of Delegates of Virginia, and 
speaker of that body. lie continued to discharge the 
duties of this new and responsible position until 1782. 
On the resignation of Governor Nelson, in that year, 
he was elected Governor of Virginia, and was re-elect- 
ed until the constitution rendered him ineligible, all 
the time exerting his Avholc personal as well as polit- 
ical influence to further the independence of the 
United States. In 1T91 he was again unanimously 
elected to the Legislature, but suddenly died the next 
day, at the age of sixty-five years, universally known 
and universally regretted by those for whom he had 
aided to establish a free country. 

Such is a brief sketch of the father of Vniliam 
Henry Harrison, the subject of this biography. Spring- 
ing from such patriot-stock, reared amid such scenes 
as he must have been familiar with, and seeing the ex- 
ample of such patriots as must have been his father's 
companions and associates, he must have been much 
less susceptible to good impressions than most other 
young Americans of that period, not to have imbibed 
much of that spirit of freedom and love of liberty that 
was diffused throuiihout all classes and conditions. But 

o 

young Harrison was no such dull student, nor such 
unconcerned spectator, young as he was at the close 
of the revolutionary struggle, of the great events of 
those stirring times. It was from such men and such 



28 THE LIFE OP 

events that he received those principles of truth and 
justice, and that patriotic devotion to his country 
-^vhich so distinguished his after-life. Here was laid 
deep the foundation upon Avhich was built the super- 
structure of greatness which he finally attained. 

Notwithstanding Mr. Harrison left an ample for- 
tune, it was still insufficient to render all his sons in- 
dependent of their own mental resources. Devoting 
so much of his time and means to the service of the 
people, he knew that his fortune had become too much 
shattered to place them above the necessity of relying 
upon their own talents and energies, and therefore 
wisely resolved to leave them a richer inheritance 
than gold and lands — sound morals, correct principles, 
and a good education. With this determination in 
view, the education of young Harrison was committed 
to the care of Kobei't Morrison, his guardian, and one 
of the most illustrious patriots of the revolution ; and 
at an early nge he was placed under the best teachers 
in the colony — as his brothers had previously been — 
when he made such rapid progress, and gave such 
evidence of talent, as to afford his friends the most 
gratifying assurances of future distinction. 

At the age of fourteen he left Hampden Sidney 
College, where he had remained for about a year, and 
entered an academy there of high standing iTi South- 
ampton county, where he continued to prosecute his 
studies with great industry and success until his sev- 
enteenth year. At the end of this time, having 
thoroughly qualified himself for a commencement of 



\V1:,1,1A.M nr.NIlY IIAURTSON. 29 

tlio study of inodlcino, tli(5 profVpsion for -wliicli lio 
was designed, lie "was placed in the oflice of Dr. 
Leibcr, of llichmond, a physician of considerable 
eminence and large practice in that city. In the 
spring of ITlH, at the age of eighteen, he was sent 
to Philadelphia for the purpose of coinjjleting his 
medical studies under the eminent Dr. Richard Rush, 
a revolutionary compatriot of his father, and, like 
him, one of the si2;ners of the Declaration of Inde- 
pcndencc. It was while on this journey that he 
heard of the sudden death of his father, an event 
which determined him to abandon the further prose- 
cution of his medical studies, and that, consequently, 
exerted an all-important inilucnce upon his future 
prospects and fortune. 

Upon arriving in Philadelphia, he met with the 
warmest and most gratifying reception from Rush, 
Shippen, and Wistar, the most distinguished medical 
professors of that day, and from Morris and other 
friends and revolutionary associates of his father. 
Rut though some of these f]:entlemen exerted all their 
influence to dissuade Harrison from abandoning the 
further study of medicine, he firmly persisted in his 
purpose. His inclinations as to a profession lay quite 
in another direction, and having entered upon it 
against his wishes, he felt quite free, at his father's 
death, to adopt one more in harmony with his own 
feelings. Ilis heart had long been set upon adopting 
the profession of arms, and his inclination was greatly 
strengthened by the disasters that had overtaken the 
3* 



80 THE LIFE OP 

accomplished Harmar ancT the north-^vestern army in 
their contest with the Indians of that region. These 
events removed whatever hesitation he might have 
had upon his future pLans, and he at once prepared 
to unite his fortunes v/ith his unfortunate countrymen. 
His wishes were strongly opposed even by Mr. Mor- 
ris, his guardian, as well as by many of his other in- 
fluential friends ; but it was of no avail. 

Possessing as he did great family influence, being 
connected with Peyton, Randolph, Colonel Bassett, 
Mrs. Washington, and other eminent Virginians, be- 
sides possessing the warm personal friendship of 
Washington, it was no difficult matter for Harrison 
to find employment in the army. In the midst of 
the excitement and anxiety that the misfortunes of 
Harmar's command had excited. General Henry Lee, 
of Virginia, proposed to him to take a commission in 
the army. The proposition was cheerfully accepted 
by him as infinitely more congenial to his habits, dis- 
position, and taste, than the profession for which he 
had been designed. But fearful that his wishes might 
be thwarted by his connections if his intentions should 
become known, it was arranged that General Lee 
should solicit his commission without communicating 
the matter to either Mr. Bandolph or Mr. Morris. 
The latter, however, happening to receive some inti- 
mation of what was going on, sent for Harrison, with 
a view of attempting to dissuade him from his pur- 
pose. Suspecting the object of the summons, he 
hastened to the War Office, at the head of which was 



AVI1,I,1A.M IIKNUV MAIIUTSON. 31 

Gcncriil Knox, and procured lils commission as cnsi;rn 
in the first regiment of United States infantry, lie 
then repaired to tlie liousc of Mr. Morris, "vvlio ex- 
pressed liis decided disapprobatit)n at the step he had 
taken, but said lie should offer no farther opposition 
to his "vvislies. 

Ilavinn; remained a few davs longer "with his 
friends in riiiladelphia, most of "which he "was em- 
ployed in the rccruitino; service, he proceeded to join 
his regiment at Fort AVashington, now the site of 
Cincinnati, and arrived there shortly after the defeat 
of the brave but ill-fated General St. Clair. He 
found the army broken, dispirited, and suffering from 
the effect of its late disastrous defeat. Evervthinjx 
looked dark and discouraging, and was especially cal- 
culated to dampen the ardor of a young and inexpe- 
rienced soldier. But this was not the effect the mis- 
fortune and misery of his countrymen had upon 
Harrison. So far from this being the case, it con- 
vinced him still more strongly of the necessity there 
existed for his services. Although, when he joined 
his corps, he was a mere stripling, being only in his 
nineteenth year of age, tall and thin in his person, 
and, to judge from his appearance merely, but poorly 
cpiallficd for the hardships and privations that a sol- 
dier's life in the wilderness is necessarily exposed to, 
his ardor and enthusiasm was in nowise dampened by 
the forlorn and wretched condition of tlie army. 

His condition, it must be confessed, was a most 
trying and perplexing one. St. Clair's army was re- 



32 THE LIFE OF 

diiced to a mere skeleton, and consisted of only a few 
hundred of half starved and half naked troops. The 
time for which the militia originally enlisted had ex- 
pired, the detachment of the second regiment of 
Regulars which was engaged in the action under St. 
Clair was nearly annihilated, and the army was 
y>'holly inadequate to maintain the line of posts that 
had been erected for the protection of the north- 
western settlers. This certainly was a most gloomy 
prospect for one reared as Harrison had been, amidst 
all the luxuries, delicacies, and comforts that wealth 
could jDroduce, and with a frame softened by these 
influences, added to the enervating efiects of a south- 
ern cliffiate. So formidable wxre the obstacles pre- 
sented to his consideration by a friend whom he met 
at Eort Washington, and so lively a picture vras pre- 
sented to him of the sufferings he must endure, and 
of the almost certain consequence upon him of the 
habits of intemperance that prevailed at that time in 
the army, that no man with less firmness of character 
and purpose could have resisted the strong appeals 
addressed to him. But notwithstanding these ap- 
peals, backed as they were by the strong remon- 
strances of his other friends, he remained firm to his 
purpose, influenced partly by his romantic notion of 
the attractive nature of the profession he had chosen, 
and his pride, but principally by the strong sympathy 
that the disasters of Ilarmar and St. Chair's armies 
had aroused in his breast he inflexibly adhered to his 
design. 



WILLIAM IIKNUY IIAIIUISON. 33 

The name of AVillium Henry Harrison is so closely 
connected ^vitli llie AVest, from tlie time lie arrived 
at Fort Washington, Avith an ensign's commission iu 
his pocket, to his election to the oilice of chief magis- 
trate of a great nation, that a brief reference to its 
situation at that time, as ^vell as to the events that 
immediately preceded his arrival tliere, may very ap- 
propriately be here introduced; and indeed this seems 
ill some measure quite necessary to a full understand- 
ing of many of the incidents in his life that will be 
narrated. 



34 THE LIFE OF 



CHAPTER II. 

It has already been incidentally stated that the 
first emigrants to the north-west territory was made, 
in the spring of 1788, by a colony from New England, 
mostly officers and soldiers of the Revolution, who 
settled at the mouth of the Muskingum River, and 
laid out the town of Marietta."^ The first object of 
the pioneers was to erect a block-house and stockade 
as a means of defence against Indian attacks, after 
which the town was surveyed, and village lots laid out 
west of the Muskingum River, adjoining Fort llar- 
mar, then recently built and garrisoned by United 
States troops. 

Many of these founders of Ohio were men of 
distinction, and had held high offices, both civil and 
military, during the revolutionary war. Amongst 
their number was General Israel Putnam, who by com- 
mon consent, from the necessity of having some chief 
head in such a colony, was selected as their leader, a 
position for which his character and experience par- 
ticularly fitted him. Soon after the settlement at 
Marietta was commenced there, other companies were 
formed, one of whom laid out the town of Columbia, 

* Burnet's Notes. 



willia:\i iiknuy iiarrison. 85 

at tlio moutli of tlic Little Miami ; the second founded 
Cincinnati, in tlic i:ill of 1788 ; and tlic tliird settled 
at North Bend, the subsequent residence of General 
Iiarrison, with the intention of founding a magnificent 
city there. The city was actually laid out on a most 
extended scale, and named Symmes, after Judge 
Synimes, the leader of the party by whom it was 
settled. 

Seven years after the settlement of Cincinnati, 
it was but a miserable village of log cabins, except 
fifteen rough, unfinished fra me-houses, with stone 
chimnies. There was not then a single brick house 
in a place now the Queen of the West, and containing 
numerous elegant and costly public edifices and many 
thousands of inhabitants. At this period the pop- 
ulation of the whole north-western territory was only 
fifteen thousand, and in 1800, five years after, but a 
fraction over forty-five thousand. When Harrison 
leached Cincinnati, to enter upon his military career, 
there was probably scarcely a log cabin there, much less 
frame and brick houses, and the population of the whole 
territory could not have been more than three or four 
thousand, and these scattered over an immense extent 
of country. As late as 179G, five years after Har- 
rison reached Fort Washington, the emigrants in the 
territory were represented to be few in number, and 
were located in different and remote settlements, be- 
tween which there was little or no intercourse.* The 
country they inhabited was wild and uncultivated, and 

* Burnet's Notes, 



36 THE LIFE OF 

■was separated from the Atlantic inhabitants by rug- 
ged mountains, almost impenetrable forests and im- 
passable rivers, with hardly the semblance of a road, 
bridge, ferry, or any other improvement for facili- 
tating communication with the old Atlantic settle- 
ments. The adjoining regions on every side were all 
equally wild and uncultivated, without commerce or 
the means of creating it. The country contained 
neither shelter nor safety for civilized man.* 

Previous to the treaty negotiated by General 
Wayne, in 1795, with all the Indian tribes north-west 
of the Ohio Iliver, knoAvn as the treaty of Greenville, 
by which a permanent peace with all the various tribes 
was established, but few improvements had been made 
of any kind; and the settlers, besides the dangers 
and sufferings to vdiich they v.'ere subjected by their 
almost constant collisions with their inveterate savage 
foes, endured all tlie privations that are incident to 
pioneers. Though a large portion of them had been 
accustomed to the comforts, and many of the luxuries 
of civilized life, previous to their emigration to the 
West, they were here deprived of all the luxuries, and 
some of the necessaries of life. But all these incon- 
veniences and deprivations they submitted to, not 
only without murmuring, but even with cheerfulness. 
Before they determined on selecting a home in the 
wilderness they had schooled their minds for the new 
life before them, and to endure Avith patience and 
courage whatever might chance • to them. They 

■^ Burnet's Notes. 



AVILLlz\.M IIE.NIIY HARRISON. o7 

mostly songlit the West, for tlic purpose of recovering 
from the riiin brought upon them by their sacrifices 
iu the revohitionary struggle, and partly to hide 
themselves from the mortifications of poverty. 

Little peace, however, was given them, or little 
chance afforded to amend their shattered fortunes. 
The war they had to wage with the north-western 
Indians was of equal duration, and little less bloody 
than that which had so recently ended in estab- 
lishing their independence. During the revolutionary 
war many of the tribes took part with the British, 
and when peace was concluded, some of them refused 
to lay down their arms, but still continued their mer- 
ciless ravages upon the new settlers. 

In 1790, the various north-west tribes were sup- 
posed to consist of about fifteen thousand warriors, of 
whom five thousand were in open war with the United 
States, and of the others, several tribes were by no 
means friendly. They were also nov/ much more for- 
midable than the early English colonists found them, 
for they no longer depended on bows and arrows for 
defence and attack. Under seventy years of French 
tuition, and the experience of the revolutionary w^ar, 
they had become skilled in the use of arms and had 
acquired considerable knowdedge of discipline. In 
courage and the power of endurance tlicy had no su- 
periors in any country or age of the world, though in 
physical strength they were inferior to the descend- 
ants of Europeans.* 

* Frost's Book of the Army. 

4: 



38 THE LIFE OF 

A treaty of peace was concluded with the Creek 
Indians, who had for some tune been at war with 
Georgia, at New York, in August, 1790, and over- 
tures were made to the north-western Indians, but 
rejected. It became necessary, therefore, for vigorous 
preparations to be made to meet the threatened storm, 
on the part of the government. It was therefore re- 
solved by Congress to increase the military force and 
to destroy the Miami villages. To carry out this ob- 
ject, the governor of the territory, General St. Clair, 
was authorized to call on Pennsylvania and Kentucky 
for fifteen hundred militia, to join General Harmar's 
regiment, consisting at that time of four hundred ef- 
fective men. On the 15th of July, 1790, he ad- 
dressed circular letters to the proper officers' of Ken- 
tucky and Pennsylvania, requesting them to proceed 
to Fort Harmar, at the mouth of the Muskingum, as 
soon after the 3rd of September as possible. The 
militia from Kentucky arrived at Fort Washington, 
without even stopping at Muskingum, on the day 
designated, with the exception of about one hundred 
and fifty. The troops of Pennsylvania were less 
prompt in their movements ; but they joined the ar- 
my, however, soon after it had marched from Fort 
Washington. 

The troops who composed General Harmar's army 
were in a wretched condition, many of them being 
substitutes hired by those who had been drafted. 
Others were too old and infirm to bear the fatigues 
of an active campaign, and they were nearly all awk- 



"WIM.IA-^I IIKNIIY HAIIKI.'OX. oO 

ward and undisciplined. A large portion of their 
arms were also unfit for use, manv of their muskets 
and rilles being without locks, and there was a state 
of insubordination and a disrec!;ard of military rule 
that gave little promise of future success.* AVhcn 
the troops arrived at Fort Washington, the season 
was too far advanced to permit of any delay for dril- 
ling them, and on the 1st of October, General Ilar- 
mar took up his march for the enemies country. 
During the campaign, several Indian villages were 
destroyed, but the expedition on the whole was a dis- 
astrous one to the American armv. AVhen these 
towns were burnt, and their inhabitants were dis- 
persed, the chief object of the enterprise was accom- 
plished. General Ilarmar, however, considered his 
work unfinished, and was therefore determined to 
lu'ing on an engagement with them if possible. But 
instead of advancing himself with the main body of 
his army, and forgetful also of the character of his 
forces, Colonel Hardin was sent forward with a de- 
tachment of three hundred men, of whom only thirty 
were regulars, in pursuit of the enemy. lie was 
attacked by a body of Indians, when the militia, un- 
der his command, Avere seized with a panic, and pre- 
cipitately fled, and the regulars were nearly all cut 
off. Colonel Harden was then sent out with another 
detachment of three hundred and sixty men, who 
speedily encountered another large body of the sav- 
age foe. But after a long and bloody contest, in 

'^ Burnet's Notes. 



40 



THE LIFE OF 



whicli Colonel Hardin lost nearly half his force, he 
was compelled to retreat and fall back on the main 
body of the army. General Ilarmar, after these and 
some other less disastrous reverses, returned to Fort 
Washington, by easy marches, pursued for some time 
by the Indians ; but owing to the vigilance of the 
General, they were unable to harrass his movements 
or injure the troops during the march. Soon after, 
the militia were disbanded, and General Harmar re- 
signed his command, and obtained a court martial, 
by which he was fully acquitted. 

Though this expedition is generally considered to 
have been a failure, General Harmar claimed for it a 
different and more honorable name ; and in justice to 
the character of a brave and patriotic officer, it ought 
to be stated that the movement was got up in great 
haste, and that the troops, v/ith the exception of three 
hundred and fifty rank and file, were undisciplined, 
insubordinated, and barely equipped.* Notwithstand- 
ing these facts, the main object of the expedition, 
which was the destruction of the Miami villages, was 
accomplished ; and those places of rendezvous, where 
British traders resorted to poison the minds of the 
Indians, and excite their hostility against the settlers, 
were broken up. Thus far the expedition was com- 
pletely successful. But in his anxiety to inflict still 
further injury on the enemy, he suffered what, with 
very little stretch of the imagination, looks much 
like a very decided defeat. 

* Burnet's Notes. 



WILLIAM IIKNRV HARRISON. 11 

But whotlicr General ILinnar iii:iy liavo l)eca vic- 
torious or defeated, tlic result of his expedition had 
very little ellect in repressing the attacks of the Indi- 
ans upon the American settlements. In tlie winter of 
lTDO-1, one of those attacks, by a party of four or five 
hundred, and headed bv the notorious Simon Girtv, 
Avas made upon Dunlap's station at Coleraine; but 
it proved unsuccessful, as a similar one subsequently 
did upon Fort Jefferson. But it is not necessary to 
enumerate all the hostile movements and outrajres of 
the Indians. Their depredations and incursions con- 
tinued more or less frequent during the whole pro- 
gress of the war, and small parties Avere constantly 
lurking in the neighborhood of the white settlements, 
watching for opportunities to plunder and murder the 
settlers. So frequent were these depredations, that 
tho inhabitants were kept constantly on their guard 
against them. There was no safety for any one out- 
side their defenses : no one retired to rest with any 
confidence of ever seeing another day. The pioneers 
literally slept on their arms for years ; they felt that 
there was no security for their lives for a single day. 
This condition of affairs produced its natural conse- 
quences upon their characters. They became bold, 
daring, and almost reckless of life; or rather, they 
became so accustomed to danger, that they seemed to 
be almost indifferent to it. This was rather a neces- 
sity of their mode of life, however, than any real dis- 
regard for life. Their apparent disregard of life even 

led them to hazard it when nothing was to be gained 
4* 



42 THE LIFE OF 

by the risk. All the elements of true courage they 
possessed in the highest degree: and it is not too 
much to say that, by the constant exposure to danger 
with which they were surrounded, and the hard ne- 
cessities of the life they were compelled to lead, were 
planted the germ from which has sprung many of 
these distinguishing features of their descendants, 
known as *■' Western character." 

So frequent were the depredations and murders 
of the Indians, even after General Harmar had de- 
stroyed their towns, that in January, 1791, President 
Washington felt called upon to submit to Congress a 
statement of the condition of the western country, and 
to recommend the measures which, in his opinion, it 
was necessary and proper to be taken for its defense 
and security. He urged upon Congress the duty of 
taking prompt and efficient measures for the protec- 
tion of the white settlements against the relentless 
and cruel warfare that was carried on against them, 
and recommended another expedition against the Wa- 
bash Indians as the most effectual means of putting 
an end to these outrages. 

In consequence of the President's statements, and his 
urgent recommendation for some speedy action, Con- 
gress was induced to authorize him to raise an army of 
throe thousand men ; and in the meantime, for the pur- 
pose of aiFording immediate relief, they authorized him 
to raise a corps of Kentucky volunteers, with the view 
of destroying the towns on the Wabash. The exe- 
cution of this latter duty was intrusted to General 



WILLIAM iir.Nuv HAuuiso.v. 4:} 

Charles Scott, and proved entirely successful, several 
villar^es haviTipr been burnt, the growing corn cut up, 
a large amount of property destroyed, thirty-two war- 
riors killed, and fifty-seven prisoners taken, and with- 
out the loss of a sinn-le man killed, and onlv four 
w ounded, on the part of the Americans ; and what 
is more to their honor, without having permitted a 
single act of cruelty to mark their conduct.* 

Soon after the termination of this brilliant expe- 
dition another Avas fitted out, under tlie discretionary 
power given to Governor St. Clair, and the command 
of it intrusted to Colonel John Wilkinson, who had 
signalized himself during the campaign of General 
Scott. It consisted of five hundred and fifty well 
mounted and equipped Kentucky volunteers. Though 
all the objects designed by Colonel Wilkinson were 
not accomplished, it was nevertheless in the main suc- 
cessful, and great praise was awarded the whole de- 
tachment for their perseverance and bravery. 

AVhile these military operations were going on 
under General Scott and Colonel Wilkinson, the War 
Department was engaged in raising the army of three 
thousand men, authorized by Congress. Of this arr 
my Governor St. Clair was appointed commander, 
with the rank of Major-General ; and on the 28th of 
January, ITl'l, he left Philadelphia for Fort Pitt, 
now Pittsburgh, where he arrived on the IGth of the 
ensuing April, and at Fort Washington on the loth 
of May. The troops which had assembled at this lat- 

* Burnet's Notes. 



44 THE LIFE OF 

ter fort on the last of August, amouDted to about t^YO 
thousand men. On the 17th day of September they 
took up their line of march from Ludlow's station, 
five miles in advance of Fort Washington, where they 
had been encamped for four or five weeks waiting for 
reinforcements, under the command of General Butler, 
who w^as the second in command. 

On the 3d of November, after a fatiguing and la- 
borious march, the army arrived at a creek wdiich 
proved to be a branch of the Wabash, in the vicinity 
of the Miami villages for the destruction of which the 
expedition had been undertaken. Here General St. Clair 
encamped on a commanding piece of ground, having 
this creek in front, intending to occupy that position 
until the first regiment, which had been sent back a 
few days before to bring up the provisions in the rear, 
and if possible to arrest three hundred militia who had 
deserted.* The next day he proposed to commence 
fortifying his position, for the purpose of rendering 
himself secure from the attack of the Indians while 
he should be compelled to wait for the absent regiment, 
and until he should be prepared for active operations. 

But the ever-watchful enemy had prepared for 
him other and far less agreeable em.ployment for that 
day. They had observed his movements, and had no 
intention of permitting him peaceably to retrench 
himself in their midst. On the morning of the 4th, 
accordingly, a short time before sunrise, the men hav- 
ing but just been dismissed from parade, a fierce at- 

^' Burnet's Notes. 



WILLIAM nENRY HARRISON. 45 

t:u'k was suddenly commcuccd on the militia posted 
ill front, Avlio immediately gave way and rushed into 
the camp in great confusion, throwing the army into 
the most hopeless disorder, the Indians following 
close upon their heels. The enemy, however, were 
checked for a few moments by the brisk fire of the 
first line ; but this fire was returned with equal brisk- 
ness and fatal effect, and in a few minutes extended 
to the second. In each case the fire was principally 
directed to the centre, where the artillery was posted, 
and from which the men were fre<|uently driven with 
irreat slau2;hter. 

Resort was had to the bayonet in this emergency, 
and Colonel Darke was ordered to make the charge 
with a part of the second line, an order that was ex- 
ecuted with great spirit and courage. The Indians 
immediately gave way, and were driven back several 
hundred yards at the point of the bayonet. For want 
of a sufficient number of riflemen, however, to preserve 
the advantage thus gained, they soon renewed the at- 
tack, and the Americans were in turn compelled to 
give way. At the same instant, they entered the 
American camp on the left, having forced back the 
troops stationed at that point. Another attack was 
made by Major Clark and Major Butler with great 
success, and several afterwards with equal success.* 
They were attended, however, with heavy loss of men. 
and particularly of officers. In the charge made by 
the second regiment, Major Butler fell mortally wound - 

* Bm-net's Notes. 



46 THE LIFE or 

ed, and every officer of the regiment was killed or 
mortally wounded, except three. The artillery being 
silenced, and half of the troops slain, the General saw 
no other means of saving the remnant of his forces, 
than to make a retreat while it was yet in his power. 
To accomplish this object, a charge was made on the 
enemy, which was so far successful as to enable him 
to reach the road, when the militia commenced a hasty, 
and soon a disorderly retreat, followed by the United 
States troops, commanded by Major Clark, who cov- 
ered their rear. The camp and artillery were entire- 
ly abandoned. The men threw away all their arms, 
accoutrements, &c., in their flight, even after the pur- 
suit, which was continued about four miles, had ceased.* 
The greatest confusion and panic prevailed amongst 
the militia, and but for the coolness and courage of 
the regular troops during the retreat, the army would 
have been nearly annihilated. All the horses of the 
General were killed in the action, and he was mounted 
on a broken-down pack-horse that could scarcely be 
forced out of a walk, so that it was impossible for him 
to get forward in person to command a halt, and or- 
ders dispatched by others were wholly disregarded. 
The rout continued as far as Fort Jefferson, which 
they had erected in their advance, and twenty-seven 
miles distance from the battle-ground, where they ar- 
rived about dark. The battle lasted about three hours, 
and during its continuance all the troops, with one 
exception, acted with great bravery. 

* Burnet's Notes. 



WILLIAM nilNKY HAlllUSO.V. 47 

The loss of the Americans in ollicers was even 
more severe than in men, thirty-nine having heen 
killed, and tAventy-two badly wounded. The loss in 
men amounted, in killed and wounded, to about seven 
hundred. Althouirh the army amounted to two thou- 
sand three hundred men, rank and file, when it took 
its march from Ludlow's station, there could not have 
been over fourteen hundred and fifty men engaged in 
the action, three hundred having deserted from Fort 
Jefferson, and one regiment of about five hundred and 
fifty having been ordered back to bring up the pro- 
visions. It has been stated, that even as many as six 
hundred and thirty were killed, and two hundred and 
sixtv-three wounded. But, whether the loss of the 
Americans was as great as this, it was undoubtedly one 
of the most fatally bloody battles ever fought in this 
country, an<l the great disproportion of the wounded 
to the killed shows with what desperate bravery they 
fought, as well as the folly of further resistance. 

The intelligence of this melancholy and disastrous 
defeat, and the inglorious termination of an expedi- 
tion upon which such high hopes had been placed, fell 
like a thunderbolt upon the government, filling the 
whole country with consternation, and especially the 
now doubly exposed settlers of the North-west. It 
was not difficult to foresee, that such an overwhelm- 
ing defeat of an army which had inspired such strong 
confidence of success, would result in the dissolution 
of all our treaties with the various Indian tribes of 
the North-west, and in the formation of a general 



4i8 THE LIFE OP 



I 



confederacy amongst them against the United States, j 
This confederacy was entered into not long after St. 
Clair's defeat. 

Such was the discouraging situation of affairs, and 
such the alarm that everywhere prevailed when En- 
sign Harrison arrived at Fort Washington to enter 
upon his military career ; and it must be confessed, 
that it presented but a dark and discouraging pros- 
pect, and but a barren field for reaping laurels, or 
gratifying ambition. But it was the field upon which 
he voluntarily entered, at the age of nineteen years, 
not simply to gratify either ambition, or reap laurels, 
but in obedience to the dictates of what could only t 
have been patriotic duty. 



WILLIAM IIKNRV HARRISON. 49 



CHAPTER III. 

Ensign Harrison arrived at Fort Washington and 
joined his regiment just in season to Avitness the re- 
turn of the dispirited and care-worn fragments of 
General St. Clair's army, and entered -with cheerful- 
ness and zeal upon the trying and dangerous duties 
of his new position. 

The period for wliicli the militia had enlisted had 
expired, and the detachment of the second regiment 
of United States troops, which was in the army un- 
der St. Clair, was entirely cut up. The task, there- 
fore, of maintaining the long line of posts that had 
been erected, of establishing new ones, and of afford- 
ing convoys for provisions, devolved upon an inconsid- 
erable body, composed of between three and four hun- 
dred of the first regiment, and the miserable remnant 
of General St. Clair's shattered army. In this con- 
dition of affairs, Harrison was appointed to take com- 
mand of a detachment of twenty men who had been 
ordered to escort a number of pack-horses to Fort 
Hamilton. This duty, it can be very easily under- 
stood, was one attended with great danger and expo- 
sure to hardships of every kind. It would necessa- 
rily expose him to singular difficulties, distresses, and 
5 



60 THE LIFE OF 

privations, as well as to the hazard of being surprised 
and cut off by the Indians. He was compelled to 
lay out unsheltered, although it was the commence- 
ment of winter, exposed to the inclemency of the 
weather, to rain and snow, with no protection but 
such as his blanket afforded, and no security against 
the attacks of savages but his own vigilance. Yet, in 
spite of every obstacle, he accomplished the hazardous 
enterprise so entirely to the satisfaction of General 
St. Clair as to receive his public thanks for the fidel- 
ity and good conduct he displayed. 

The fatal termination of the expeditions under 
General Harmar and General St. Clair enforced upon 
Congress the absolute necessity of adopting some 
more effectual means of repressing the Indians, and 
of putting an end to their barbarities. It was clear 
that a larger and more efficient and better disciplined 
force must be raised, and a more cautious system of 
operations pursued. Accordingly, an act of Congress 
was passed for raising a considerable army ; and 
in April, 1792, General Anthony Wayne, who had 
rendered his name illustrious during the revolution- 
ary struggle, was nominated by President Washing- 
ton to take command of it, with the title of Majors 
General. In order to provide against the error which 
had mainly contributed to the defeat of both General 
Harmar and General St. Clair, which was conceded 
to be a want of discipline, — though a want of pro- 
vision also contributed its full share to those misfor- 
tunes, — the whole of the year 1792, and the winter 



WILLIAM HENRY IIARIUSON. 51 

and spring of 1708, wore employed in recruiting the 
army, and in instructing them in military discipline. 
The new troops were stationed under General Wayne, 
at first at Pittsburgh, and then upon the banks of the 
Ohio, a few miles below Cincinnati. Here Harrison 
joined the army in June, 1703, and was appointed 
second aid-de-camp to the commander-in-chief, having 
the year before been promoted to the rank of Lieu- 
tenant in the first regiment. The negotiations which 
had some time before been entered into with the In- 
dians, having entirely failed and been broken off, the 
army took up their march for Greenville, in Sep- 
tember. It consisted of four thousand five hundred 
effective regulars, including some troops of dragoons, 
and of an auxiliary force of two thousand mounted 
militia, under the command of General Scott. But 
an early frost setting in, rendered it advisable to go 
into winter quarters. Huts were therefore built, and 
a system of discipline, calculated to prepare the 
troops for the kind of warfare they were about to en- 
ter upon, was diligently put in practice. Here Har- 
rison devoted himself exclusively to the study and 
practice of his profession, and with such success as 
to obtain the confidence of his commander and the 
attachment of his associates. The army continued 
in their encampment until near the last of June, 1794. 
Having then been joined by the mounted volunteers 
from Kentucky, arrangements were promptly made 
for entering upon the campaign, by advancing into 
the Indian country. 



52 THE LIFE OF 

So perfect were the precautions taken by General 
Wayne to guard against embarrassments, that no de- 
lay nor difficulty attended his march. For the pur- 
pose of deceiving the enemy in regard to his move- 
ments, he made such demonstrations as induced them 
to expect he would advance in a diiferent direction 
from the one he had selected. By this expedient, he 
arrived almost in sight of Auglaize, the great empo- 
rium of the enemy, and took possession of it on the 
8th of August, without the loss of a single man. All 
their property fell into the hands of the Americans. 

The enemy were collected at the foot of the Rap- 
ids in great force. They had been joined by the 
militia of Detroit and a portion of the regular army, 
and had selected an elevated plain at that place for 
the contest. General Wayne advanced upon the main 
body on the 20th of August, which was drawn up 
under the cover of a British fort. A battallion of 
mounted volunteers, commanded by Major Price, 
moved in front of the legion, who marched sufficiently 
in advance to give timely notice for the troops to form 
in case of an attack. When he had proceeded about 
five miles, so severe a fire was opened upon him by 
the enemy, secreted in grass and woods, as to cause 
him to fall back ; but the troops soon after came in 
view of the enemy. 

The Indians held a position admirably suited to 
their peculiar mode of warfare, being within a thick 
wood of felled trees that had been torn up by a hur- 
ricane. Their line was formed in three divisions, 



WILI-IAM IIKXRV HAUUIFON. 53 

"wltliin supportin;]; distance of each otlier, iiiid cxtciid- 
\n<r two niik'S at ri^lit an^jlcs with tlio river. It was 
at once seen by tlic commanding General, that an 
enemy tlms posted could not be successfully attacked 
with cavalry, and that a re^^ular fire in line must 
prove eijually unsuccessful. lie therefore determined 
to commence the engagement by an attack at the 
point of the bayonet, and for this purpose he ordered 
his troops to march through the woods with trailed 
arms, and to drive the Indians from their covert with 
charged bayonets. As soon as they were forced from 
their hiding place, he directed a close fire to be opened 
upon them, followed by a brisk charge, so as to pre- 
vent them from loading a second time. The cavalry, 
commanded by Captain Campbell, and the mounted 
infantry, under Major-General Scott, were ordered 
to turn the flanks of the enemy by circuitous routes. 

These various orders were all obeyed with such 
spirit and promptitude, — such was the impetuosity 
and immediate success of the charge made by the first 
line of infantry, however, — that the Indians, Canadian 
militia and volunteers, were driven from their coverts 
before the second line, and General Scott, with his 
mounted volunteers, could possibly reach their posi- 
tion in time for all of them to participate in the 
action. The enemy were driven for more than two 
miles through the w^oods, in the course of an hour, by 
a force not half as numerous as their own. They 
were estimated to be two thousand strong of fighting 
men, while the American troops, who actually parti- 
5* 



54 THE LIFE OF 

< 

cipated in the action, did not exceed nine hundred ; 
yet the savages and their allies fled in all directions 
in the utmost confusion, leaving the Americans in 
full and undisturbed possession of the field of battle. 
The eno-ao^ement was beo^un, and terminated within 
sight of the British Fort, and under the very muzzle 
of their guns. They did not deem it prudent, how- 
ever, openly to interfere in behalf of those whom they 
had so industriously and insidiously incited to take up 
arms against the Americans. 

The victory of the Americans was decisive and 
complete, and attended with the most important re- 
sults. As the intelligence of it was received in differ- 
ent parts of the country, it created the liveliest feel- 
ings of joy. The bravery and good conduct of every 
officer belonging to the army, as well as that of the 
common soldiers, received the warmest approbation 
of the country, as well as the special commendation 
of the Commander-in-chief. This was the first gen- 
eral action in which Lieutenant Harrison was engag- 
ed, and General Wayne paid him the very highest 
compliment for the efficient aid he rendered him, and 
for his gallantry, courage, and zeal throughout the 
battle. He had been appointed by the General, to 
assist in forming the left wing of the regular troops, 
a task of extreme difficulty, owing to the thickness of 
the woods in which they were posted, but one that 
he accomplished with great skill and effect. In clos- 
ing his official report of this battle, General Wayne 
does full justice to Harrison by declaring that he 



WILLIAM IIKMIV HAURISUN. 55 

"rendered the most essential services by communi- 
cating his orders in every direction, and by his brave- 
ry in exciting the troops to press for victory." 

An incident characteristic of the coolness, intre- 
pidity, and enthusiastic efforts on the field of battle, 
is related by one who vfus a participant in the action, 
and an eye-witness to the gallantry of Lieutenant 
Harrison. The old soldier, from whose interesting 
narrative of the victory at the Rapids the incident is 
taken, says that, when the battle was raging hottest, 
many in that wing of the army where he was, were 
beginning to falter and to think of a retreat. Just at 
the moment that this feeling began to become preva- 
lent, a young lieutenant who was known as the con- 
fidential aid of old Mad Anthony, galloped up to the 
line, and called to the men with a voice that was heard 
above the roar of battle, " Onward, my brave fellows ! 
the enemy are flying — one fire more, and the day is 
ours." This gallant young lieutenant, it will be un- 
derstood, was William Henry Harrison. 

By the official returns of the adjutant-general, it 
appears that the number of the Americans killed in 
the action, including those who subsequently died from 
their wounds, was thirty-nine, and the number of 
wounded one hundred. The killed and wounded of 
the enemy were estimated to be more than double that 
of the Americans. For some distance the woods were 
strewed with their dead bodies. A large number fell 
on the prairie in attempting to gain the river, or were 
shot while in the act of crossing it. 



56 THE LIFE OP 

The army remained on the field of battle for three 
days, during which time the duty was assigned to 
Lieutenant Harrison, and three or four other ofiicers, 
by General Wayne, of accompanying him in making 
a critical examination of the British fort, which was 
found to be a regular military work of great strength. 
This close and daring scrutiny, however, did not pre- 
cisely accord with the notions Major Campbell, the 
commander of the fort, had formed of the dignity of 
his sovereign and his own importance, and led to a 
correspondence so characteristic, at least on the part 
of General Wayne, as to deserve being extracted. 

On the 21st of August, the day after the battle of 
the Maumee, Major Campbell addressed the following 
supercilious note to General Wayne : 

" Sir, — An army of the United States of America, 
said to be under your command, having taken post on 
the banks of the Miami, for upwards of the last twen- 
ty-four hours, almost within reach of the guns of 
this, being a post belonging to His Majesty, the King 
of Great Britain, occupied by His Majesty's troops, 
and which I have the honor to command, it becomes 
my duty to inform myself, as speedily as possible, in 
what light I am to view your making such near ap- 
proaches to this garrison. I have no hesitation, on 
my part, to say that I know of no war existing be- 
tween Great Britain and America." 

To this insolent demand General Wayne thus re- 
plied under the same date : " Sir, — I have received 
your letter of this date, requiring from me the motives 



"SVILLIAM ^IKNUV 1IAKR1.SUN. 57 

■Nvliich luivc moved the army under iny command to 
the position they at present occupy, iar 'within the 
acknowledged jurisdiction of the United States of 
America. 

"Without questioning the authority, or the pro- 
priety. Sir, of your interrogatories, I tliink I may, 
without breach of decorum, observe to you that were 
you entitled to an answer, the most full and satisfac- 
tory one was announced to you from the muzzles 
of my small-arms, yesterday morning, in the action 
against the hordes of savages in the vicinity of your 
post, which terminated gloriously to the American 
arms ; but had it continued till the Indians, &c., were 
driven under the influence of the post and guns you 
mention, they would not have much impeded the pro- 
gress of the victorious array under my command, as 
no such post was established at the commencement 
of the present war between the Indians and the United 
States." 

On the next day, 22nd of August, Major Campbell 
again addressed General Wayne, and in equally swell- 
ing terms, under the judicious pretence of wishing 
to avoid so dreadful an alternative as commencing 
hostilities against him, he says: "Sir, — Although 
your letter of yesterday's date fully authorizes me to 
any act of hostility against the army of the United 
States of America in this neighborhood, under your 
command, yet, still anxious to prevent that dreadful 
decision, which, perhaps, is not intended to be ap- 
pealed to, by either of our countries, I have forborn. 



58 THE LIFE OF 

for these two days past, to resent the insults you have 
offered the British flag, flying at this post, by ap- 
proaching it within pistol shot of my works, not only 
singly, but in numbers, with arms in their hands. 
Neither is it my wish to wage war upon individuals. 
But should you, after this, continue to approach my 
post in the threatening manner you are at this mo- 
ment doing, my indispensable duty to my king and 
country, and the honor of my profession, will oblige 
me to have recourse to those measures, which thou- 
sands of either nation may hereafter have cause to 
regret, and which, I solemnly appeal to God, I have 
used my utmost endeavor to arrest." 

Nowise alarmed by this threatening epistle. Gen- 
eral Wayne returned the following reply the same 
day: "Sir, — In your letter of the 21st instant, you 
declare, 'I have no hesitation, on my part, to say, 
that I know of no war existing between Great Britain 
and America.' I, on my part, declare the same, and 
the only cause I have to entertain a contrary idea, 
at this time, is the hostile act you are now in the 
commission of, i. e. by recently taking post far within 
the well-known and acknowledged limits of the United 
States, and erecting a fortification in the heart of the 
settlements of the Indian tribes, now at war with the 
United States. This, Sir, seems to be an act of the 
highest aggression, and destructive to the peace and 
interest of the Union. Hence it becomes my duty to 
desire, and I do hereby desire and demand, in the 
name of the President of the United States, that you 



WILLIAM HENRY IIARRTSON. 69 

immediately desist from any fiirtlier act of hostility 
or aggression, by forbearing to fortify, and by with- 
drawing the troops, artillery, and stores, under your 
orders and direction, forthwith, and removing to the 
nearest post occu})ied by His Britannic Majesty's 
troops at the peace of IT80 ; and which you will be 
permitted to do unmolested by the troops under my 
command." 

The following reply of Mnjor Campbell to the 
above, and bearing the same date, closed this some- 
what tart correspondence : " Sir, — I have the honor 
this moment to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, 
in answer to which I have only to say, that being 
placed here in the command of a British post, and 
acting in a military capacity only, I cannot enter in- 
to any discussion, either on the right or impropriety 
of my occupying my present position. These are 
matters that I conceive will be best left to the am- 
bassadors of our difierent nations. Having said this 
much, permit me to inform you, that I certainly will 
not abandon this post at the summons of any person 
whatever, until I receive orders for that purpose from 
those I have the honor to serve under, or the fortune 
of war should oblige me. I must still adhere to the 
purport of my letter, this morning, to desire that your 
army, or individuals belonging to it, will not approach 
within reach of my cannon, without expecting the 
consequences attending it. 

^'Although I have said, in the former part of my 
letter, that my situation here is totally military, yet 



N 



60 THE LIFE OF 

let me add, Sir, that I am mucli deceived if His 
Majesty, the King of Great Britain, had not a post 
on this river at and prior to the period you mention." 

General Wayne did not deem the longer contin- 
uance of this correspondence would lead to any prof- 
itable result, and the only reply he made to it, there- 
fore, was by laying waste the country and destroying 
everything of value within view of the fort, and in- 
deed within reach of their guns. Major Campbell 
thought it the safest policy not to put in execution 
the threats he had made, by seeking to resent these 
indignities. From the daring character of General 
Wayne, it is more than probable that his object was 
to provoke the British commander to fire upon him 
as a pretext for attacking his fort. 

Having accomplished the object of his expedition, 
and so broken the power of the confederation as to 
discourage the Indians from immediately risking 
another battle, General "VYayne returned to Grand- 
Glaize, where he arrived on the 27th of August, and 
commenced fortifying his position. But signal as his 
victory was over the savages, the main body of the 
enemy still remained in arms, — though it had deterred 
many tribes from their cause, — while his own force 
was gradually growing weaker. Apprehensions were 
therefore entertained that a discovery of the real 
condition of the American forces would prevent the 
enemy from entering into any negotiations for peace, 
and the Utmost caution was observed to keep them 
ignorant of their real strength. Preparations were 



WILLIAM IIKNRY HARRISON. 01 

also made to recruit the army. Jn tlie meantime 
there was a growing anxiety on both sides for peace. 
The Indians had been stunned by the blow they had 
received from General Wayne, and prepared by it to 
listen to terms. A proposition was therefore made 
by General Wayne, to all the tribes at war with the 
United States, to assemble at Greenville, with the 
view of agreeing upon some terms of reconciliation. 
After some delay and much correspondence a gen- 
eral council was assembled at that place, which re- 
sulted in the *' Treaty of Greenville," by which 
universal peace was once more restored to the North- 
west. This treaty was concluded on the 3rd of Au- 
gust, 1795, and was signed by ten of the Indian 
tribes who had so long waged a relentless war upon 
the United States. 

The efficient services rendered by Lieutenant Har- 
rison during this whole campaign, and the evidence of 
courage, zeal, and ability he had so often given, in- 
spired General Wayne Avith such confidence in his 
character as an officer of prudence and judgment, as 
well as of ability and courage, that soon after the 
peace of Greenville, he was entrusted with the impor- 
tant and responsible command of Fort Washington, 
though then only twenty-three years old. He had a 
short time previously been promoted to the rank of 
Captain, an honor he had well earned by his good 
conduct in the recent campaign. 

While in command of Fort Washington, in the 
autumn of 1795, Captain Harrison was married to the 
6 



62 THE LIFE OF 

youngest daughter of Honorable John Cleves Symmes, 
one of the judges of the north-west territory, and 
the distinguished founder of the Miami settlement, a 
lady who still survives him, and whose mental accom- 
plishments and private virtues gave grace and dignity 
to her character as a wife and a mother, in the do- 
mestic and social circle, or presiding over the presi- 
dential mansion. An anecdote is related, in connection 
with his marriage to this lady, which illustrates a re- 
markable trait in Harrison's character, and which, as 
much as any other, was the moving principle of his 
life. It was his perfect reliance on his own energies 
to work out his own fortune. On applying to Mr. 
Symmes for permission to address his daughter, he 
was asked what were his resources for maintaining a 
wife. Placing his hand upon his sword, he replied, 
with as much confidence as though he were pointing 
to his coffers and his title-deeds, ''This is my means 
of support." Mr. Symmes was so much delighted 
with the cool self-reliance and daring chivalry dis- 
played by the young soldier, that he at once yielded 
a cheerful assent to the proposal. 

Captain Harrison remained in command of Fort 
Washington, and had the management of the large 
amount of public property collected at this post, until 
the spring of 1798. Peace then being restored through- 
out the North-west, the object which principally 
prompted him to enter the army, and there being no 
further use for his services, he resigned his commis- 
sion and retired to his farm, at North Bend, with 



AVILLTAM IIKXRY IIARRISOY 63 

the intention thereafter of devoting his time to the 
peaceful and more conp^enial pursuits of agriculture. 
He was not permitted long to indulge his desire, how- 
ever. Almost immediately after resigning his commis- 
sion he was appointed, by President Adams, secretary 
of the north-west territory, in the place of Winthrop 
Sargeant, Esq., who had been promoted to the office 
of Governor of Mississippi, or south-wesiern territory. 
By virtue of this office he was ex-officio Lieutenant 
Governor, and in the absence of Governor St. Clair 
from the territory, the executive duties of his office 
devolved upon him. These he discharged in a manner 
so satisfactory to the people as to win their uni- 
versal approbation. 

The population of the north-western territory bav- 
in <t been ascertained to amount to five thousand white 
male inhabitants, the territory was entitled, as a 
matter of right, to enter upon the second grade of ter- 
ritorial government under the provisions of the ordi- 
nance of 1T8T, and to a delegate in Congress. Meas- 
ures were therefore taken to organize a territorial 
government, and Jacob Burnnet, James Findlay, 
Harvy Vanderberg, Robert Oliver, and David Vance, 
were appointed by the President to be members of a 
legislative council. They were selected from amongst 
a list of ten persons that had previously been 
chosen and sent to the President by the first general 
assembly of the territory elected in pursuance of the 
proclamation by Governor St. Clair. 

This first legislative assembly of the north- 



64 THE LIFE OF 

western territory, assembled at Cincinnati on the 16th 
day of September, 1799. Of the character of the 
members who composed it, and of the considerations 
which controlled the people in electing them, it has 
been said by one whose position and ability gave him 
the means of judging more correctly than any other 
man in the territory,* that in choosing members 
of the territorial legislature, the people in almost ev- 
ery instance selected the strongest and best men in 
their respective counties. Party influence was scarcely 
felt, and it may be said with confidence, that no legis- 
lature has been chosen under the State government, 
which contained a larger proportion of aged and intel- 
ligent men than were found in that body. Many of 
them, it is true, were unacquainted with the forms and 
practical duties of legislation, but they were strong 
minded, sensible men, acquainted with the wants and 
condition of the country, and could form correct 
opinions of the operation of any measure for their 
consideration. 

Upon this legislature devolved the duty of elect- 
ing a delegate to represent the territory in Congress. 
This subject had excited much attention from the mo- 
ment the proclamation of the Governor ordering an 
election had been published. But before the legis- 
lature met, public opinion had settled down on William 
Henry Harrison, and Arthur St. Clair, jr., a son of 
Governor St. Clair, who were the only candidates for 
the ofiice. On the 3rd of October the two branches 

* Judge Jacob Burnnet of Cincinnati. — Burnefs Notes. 



i 



WILLIAM IIENUY HAURI.SON'. 65 

met in convention for tlie purpose of proceeding to an 
election, and Harrison was elected on tlie first ballot 
by a vote of twelve to ten. On being furnished with 
a certificate of his election, he resigned the office of 
secretary of the territory, and proceeded to Phila- 
delphia, where Congress was then in session. 

He at once took his seat and entered actively upon 
the discharge of the duties of his position. He did 
not retain it but a single session, however, but he 
succeeded in that brief period in securing several 
important advantages for his constituents. Amongst 
other beneficent measures of legislation which he 
induced Congress to adopt for their benefit, was a 
law authorizing the surveys of the public lands to bo 
subdivided, and requiring them to be oftercd for sale 
in small lots. This important act he succeeded in 
getting through both branches of Congress in spite of 
the most determined opposition of interested specula- 
tors, who had till then monopolized the whole business 
of selling lands to the poorer class of settlers, at their 
own exorbitant prices. This act was hailed as the 
most beneficent measure that Congress had ever adopt- 
ed for the benefit of the people of the West. It put 
it in the power of every industrious man, however 
poor he might be, to become a freeholder, — to culti- 
vate his own domain and lay a foundation for the 
support and future comfort of his family.* To this 
single act, more than to any other one measure, is to 
be attributed the wonderfully rapid growth and un- 

* Burnet's Notes. 

G* 



QQ THE LIFE OF 

precedented improvement and prosperity of the West. 
Bj putting in the power of every man to become an 
independent land owner, it started such a tide of 
emigration westward as the world never before 
witnessed. 

Another act of great importance to the western 
settler was a liberal extension of the time of payment 
in behalf of those persons who had procured pre- 
emption rights to lands they had previously bought of 
Judge Symmes, lying beyond the limits of his patent, 
and for which it was not in his power to make their 
titles. The effect of this indulgence to the class of 
settlers for whose relief the act was passed, enabled 
them to secure undisputed titles to their farms, and 
ultimately to become wealthy men and enterprising 
and useful citizens. 

Soon after the adoption of these salutary mea- 
sures, Mr. Harrison addressed a circular to the people 
of the territory, setting forth the result of his labors 
in their behalf. In this circular he states, that 
amongst the variety of subjects that engaged his at- 
tention, none appeared to him of so much importance 
as the adoption of a system for the sale of public 
lands, which would give more favorable terms to that 
class of purchasers who are likely to become actual 
settlers, than was offered by the existing laAVS upon 
that subject. Conformably to this idea, he procured 
the passage of a resolution, at an early period, for 
the appointment of a committee to take the matter 
into consideration, and shortly after reported a bill 



■WILLIAM IIKNKV HARRISON. G7 

containing terms lor the purchaser as favorable as 
could have been expected. This bill was adopted by 
the House "without anv matorial alteration ; hut in 
tlie Senate, amendments were introduced, oblifj^in;^' tlie 
jnircliaser to pay interest on the money for which a 
credit was ^iven, from the date of the purchase, and 
directiuir that one-half of the land (instead of the 
wliole, as was provided by the bill from the House 
of Representatives) should be sold in half sections of 
three hundred and twenty acres, and the other half 
in whole sections of six hundred and forty acres. All 
his efforts, aided by some of the ablest members of 
the lower House, at a conference for that purpose, 
were not sufficient to induce the Senate to recede 
from their amendments. But still he felt that there 
was great cause of congratulation to the people of 
the territory, as the bill still contained as favorable 
terms as could be procured. The law, he said, prom- 
ised to be the foundation of a great increase to the 
population and wealth of the country, an anticipation 
tliat has been realized far beyond what he could have 
foreseen. 

Though the minimum price of lands was still fixed 
at two dollars, the time for making payments was so 
extended as to put it in the power of every industri- 
ous man to comply with them, it being only necessary 
to pay one-fourth of the money in hand, and the bal- 
ance at the end of two, three, and four years. The 
odious circumstance of forfeiture which was made the 
penalty of failing in the payments under the old law 



68 THE LIFE OF 

was also entirely abolished, and the purchaser allowed 
one year, after the last payment should become due, 
to collect the money. If the land should not then be 
paid for, the balance of the money, after reimburs- 
ing the government, was to be returned to the pur- 
chaser. 



WILLIAM IIKNRY 1IAKUI80N. 09 



CHAPTER IV. 

It was during this session of Congress, that the 
North-western Territory, then represented by Harri- 
son, was divided, and the new Territory of Indiana 
established. Not long after the passage of the Act 
creating this territory, Mr. Harrison was appointed 
its first governor and superintendent of Indian aflfairs, 
by President Adams, and immediately thereupon re- 
signed his seat in Congress, with the view of entering 
upon the duties of the office. The region embraced 
within tlie new territory included what now constitutes 
the States of Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, 
and Iowa. All this vast region, now inhabited by a 
hardy, enterprising population of two millions and a 
half of people, contained at that time, a short half 
century ago, only a population of five thousand souls, 
thinly scattered through the vast wilderness of the 
territory, with only three white settlements of any 
note within its boundaries. One of these was Yin- 
cennes, the seat of government, a beautiful town situ- 
ated on the Wabash, and originally settled by the 
French. The second was known as Clark's Grant, at 
the falls of the Ohio, nearly opposite Louisville ; and 
the other, a French settlement on the Mississippi, not 



70 THE LIFE OF 

far from St. Louis, and more than two hundred miles 
from the seat of government. 

The whole territory was inhabited by warlike tribes 
of Indians, and the whole country overrun by their 
hunting-parties. It can at once be imagined how dan- 
gerous and difficult was the duty of keeping open a com- 
munication between these distant settlements. Notwith- 
standing the treaty of Greenville, these various tribes 
retained all their restless hostility towards the United 
States. Their natural hatred, too, was constantly 
stimulated by unscrupulous British agents, who con- 
stantly misrepresented the policy of the American 
government, and by presents of liquor and merchan- 
dise, fomented their passions, and excited them to re- 
sist the further 2:)rogress of the white settlers to the 
North-west. Frequent robberies and other outrages 
were committed, and sometimes whole families were 
murdered, and their cabins burnt to the ground. These 
outrages produced retaliations, and the consequence 
was greatly to increase the deadly hatred that existed 
between the Indians and Americans. 

It was under these circumstances that Harrison was 
appointed Governor of Indiana Territory. Few situ- 
ations could be more encouraging, or surrounded 
with more incidents less embarrassing, than those he 
was to encounter in the administration of its govern- 
ment. With such difficulties, as have been enumer- 
ated, to be encountered at the outset of his admini- 
stration, it was no less a matter of duty than of neces- 
sity, that he should be clothed with the amplest inde- 



AVU.LIAM HENRY HARRISON. 71 

pendent powers. Understanding this, he was invested 
by the President with civil as well as military powers 
of the most importnnt nature. Amongst the powers 
conferred upon him, were those, jointly with the judges, 
of the legislative functions of the territory, the ap- 
pointment of all t)\e civil officers within the territory, 
and all the military officers of a grade inferior in rank 
to that of general, commander-in-chief of the militia, 
— the absolute and uncontrolled power of pardoning 
all offenses, — sole commissioner of treaties with the 
Indians, with unlimited powers, and the power of 
confirming, at his option, all grants of lands. 

These, it will be admitted, were dangerous pow- 
ers to place in the hands of one man, and nothing 
would have justified the government in placing the 
lives, liberty, and property of the people of the ter- 
ritory almost literally, at the disposal of Governor 
Harrison, but an overruling necessity created by the 
peculiar condition of the territory, and the undoubt- 
inir confidence with which his well-tried virtue and 
inflexible integrity had inspired all minds. It will 
be seen that the people had no voice whatever in the 
manairement of their affairs, and that their interests 
of every kind were at his disposal. 

The able, faithful, and impartial discharge of such 
absolute, delicate, and responsible duties as Harrison 
was clothed with, it is obvious, required a rare com- 
bination of moral and intellectual qualities. Yet, del- 
icate and responsible as they were, and as independ- 
ent as he was, not only of the people, but even of 



72 THE LIFE or 

the government, the high honor belongs to him of 
never having abused his great power by trampling on 
the rights of the people, or consulting his own inter- 
ests at the expense of the public good. Though he 
held this office sixteen years, having been twice reap- 
pointed by Jefferson, and once by Madison, no con- 
sideration of private gain or of personal ambition 
ever severed him from the straiglit line of his duty, 
and no charge either of tyranny or corruption rests 
upon his memory. The legislative council and House 
of Representatives of the territory, the officers of 
the militia, the citizens of St. Louis, when their con- 
nection with Indiana was about to cease, and other 
public and private bodies of the people, all bore the 
amplest testimony to his disinterested integrity and 
patriotic devotion to the welfare of the territory. 

The liberal and enlightened policy he pursued 
during his administration of the affairs of the terri- 
tory contributed largely to the rapid settlement and 
great improvement which commenced with his ap- 
pointment, and which have continued with each in- 
creasing year to the present time, and which bid fair 
to increase still more rapidly for many years to come. 
The moderation, good sense, and disinterestedness with 
which he exercised his almost unlimited powers won 
for him the friendship and esteem of the whole peo- 
ple. In the management of the Indian affairs of the 
territory he was equally straightforward and upright, 
and received the warm approval of government for 
the promptness, energy, and fidelity with which he 
discharged its duties. 



■nvillia;.: i.k.miy iiAiiru.nN. 73 

A leading and most important o1)joct 'witli Governor 
Harrison Avas the conciliation ot" the "warlike tribes 
of the territory. By his intimate acquaintance "with 
the Indian character, his undaunted firmness, and 
the reputation he had established amongst them by 
his justice and impartiality, as by his uniform kind- 
ness of manner and considerate forbearance, he had 
inspired their confidence and respect. lie was, 
therefore, better qualified to accomplish this purpose 
successfully than almost any other man in the Union. 
Owing to the unremitting efforts of British minions, 
however, he did not entirely succeed in allaying the 
suspicions and jealousies that these agents so con- 
stantly stimulated, though his influence was suffi- 
ciently strong over them to prevent any open out- 
break until 1811. 

In 1805, it being ascertained that the territory 
contained a sufficient population, it was advanced to 
the second grade of government, and a legislative 
council was selected by the President, and a House 
of Assembly chosen by the people. This measure, 
of course, deprived Governor Harrison of much of 
the power he had previously possessed, by transfer- 
ring it from him to the people ; but, democratic in 
his principles and feelings, it met his hearty concur- 
rence and approbation. 

On the 30th of April, 1803, the negotiations that 
had been instituted with France, for the purchase of 
Louisiana, were brought to a termination, by which 
the immense region of country, known as the ter- 

T 



74 THE LIFE OF 

ritory of Orleans, now the State of Louisiana, and 
the District of Louisiana, was ceded to the United 
States, in consideration of the sum of fifteen millions 
of dollars. In the following December, our govern- 
ment took possession of this vast region, and the 
boundaries of the ancient charters of the British 
government to her American colonies were thus real- 
ized. This large acquisition to our territorial pos- 
sessions greatly enlarged the jurisdiction of Governor 
Harrison, and the laborious duties and responsibilities 
of his position were correspondingly increased. 

In his first address to the territorial legislature, 
two years after the annexation of Louisiana, he took 
occasion to refer to that important measure at length. 
His message on this subject displayed so many unmis- 
takable evidences of statesmanship, and such striking 
indications that the important bearing of that mea- 
sure upon the future destiny of the country were fully 
understood by him, and contained withal so many 
noble and enlarged sentiments, that an extract from 
that part of it, referring particularly to this question, 
will be found of interest. 

" Upon a careful review of our situation, it will 
be found that we have much cause of felicitation, 
whether it respects our enjoyment or our future pros- 
pects. An enlightened and generous policy has for- 
ever removed all cause of contention with our west- 
ern neighbors. The mighty river which separates us 
from the Louisianians will never be stained with the 
blood of contending nations, but will be the bond of 



WILLIAM IIKNRY HARRISON. 75 

our iini(m, and will convey u})on its bosom, in tho 
course of many thousand miles, tlic produce of our 
great and united empire. The astonislied traveler 
will behold upon either bank a people governed by 
the same laws, pursuing the same objects, and warmed 
by the same love of liberty and science. And if, in 
the immense distance, a small point should present 
itself where other laws and other manners prevail, 
the contrast it will afford w ill serve the useful purpose 
of demonstrating the great superiority of a repub- 
lican government, and how far the uncontrolled and 
unbiased industry of freemen excels the cautious and 
measured exertions of the subjects of despotic power. 
The ac<|uisition of Louisiana will form an impor- 
tant epoch in the history of our country. It has se- 
cured the happiness of millions, who will bless the 
moment of their emancipation and the generous pol- 
icy which has secured to them the rights of men. 
To us it has produced immediate and important ad- 
vantages. AVe are no longer apprehensive of waging 
an eternal war with the numerous and warlike tribes 
of aborigines that surround us, and perhaps being re- 
duced to the dreadful alternative of exterminating 
them from the earth. 

By cutting off their communication with every 
foreign power, and forcing them to procure from our- 
selves the arms and ammunition and such of the Eu- 
ropean manufactures as habit has to them renderd 
necessary, we have not only secured their entire de- 
pendence, but the means of ameliorating their con- 



76 THE LIFE OF 

dition, and of devoting to some useful and beneficial 
purpose the ardor and energy of mind which are now 
devoted to war and destruction. The policy of the 
United States with regard to the savages within their 
territories forms a striking contrast with the conduct 
of other civilized nations. The measures of the lat- 
ter appear to have been well calculated for the effect 
which has produced the entire extirpation of the un- 
happy people whose country they have usurped. It is 
in the United States alone that safety and protection 
from every species of injury, and considerable sums of 
money have been appropriated, and agents employed, 
to humanize their minds, and instruct them in such 
arts of civilized life as they are capable of receiving. 
To provide a substitute for the chase, from which 
they derive their support, and which from the exten- 
sion of our settlements is daily becoming more pre- 
carious, has been considered a sacred duty. The hu- 
mane and benevolent intentions of the goveimment, 
however, will forever be defeated, unless effectual 
measures be devised to prevent the sale of ardent 
spirits to those unfortunate people. The law which 
has been passed by Congress for that purpose has 
been found entirely ineffectual, because its operation 
has been construed to relate to the Indian country 
exclusively. In calling your attention to this sub- 
ject, gentlemen, I am persuaded that it is unne- 
cessary to remind you that the article of compact 
makes it your duty to attend to it. The interest 
of your constituents, the interest of the miserable 



WILLIAM IILNUV IIAUIUKON. 77 

Indians, and your own fedin^.s, will urge you to tako 
it into your most serious consideration and provide 
the remedy Avliieh is to save thousands of our fellow- 
creatures. So destructive has been the progress of 
intemperance, that whole villages have been swept 
away. A miserable remnant is all that remains to 
mark the names and situation of many numerous and 
warlike tribes. 

In the energetic language of one of their orators, 
it is a dreadful conflagration which spreads misery 
and desolation through their country, and threatens 
the annihilation of the whole race. Is it then to be 
admitted as a political axiom that the neighborhood 
of a civilized nation is incompatible with the exist- 
ence of savages? Are the blessings of our repub- 
lican government only to be felt by ourselves ? And 
are the natives of North America to experience the 
same fate with their brethren of the southern con- 
tinent? It is with you, gentlemen, to divert from 
these children of nature the fate that hangs over 
them. Nor can I consider that the time will be con- 
sidered misspent, which is devoted to an object which 
is so consistent with the spirit of Christianity, and 
with the principles of republicanism.* 

During this time, and for two or three years be- 
fore, events had been maturing with the various In- 
dian tribes of the North-west which produced results 
that were the ultimate cause of the war of 1811. 
This was the formation of a general league amongst 
them. It was not finally consummated, however, 



78 THE LIFE OF 

until the following year. Various causes had trans- 
pired to keep up their irritation against the Amer- 
icans. The active agency of Britsh minions in pro- 
ducing this state of things has already been noticed. 
Other causes and other agents were still more pow- 
erful. Most prominent amongst the latter of these 
were the renowned Indian warrior and celebrated or- 
ator, Tecumthe, and his cunning and hypocritical 
brother Olliwachica, better known as the prophet. 
The genius of the one, and the prophetical character 
of the other, gave them almost an unlimited influence 
amongst the savage tribes, and drew around them 
large numbers of reckless followers. 

A confederacya mongst the tribes, along the whole 
frontier against the United States, had been repeat- 
edly attempted before, but never with success. By 
the wisdom and prudence of Governor Harrison, 
aided by the respect he had inspired amongst the 
savages by his courage and high character for justice 
and integrity, he had always succeeded in defeating 
it. But against the influence of a chief of Tecumthe's 
ability, tact, and daring, backed by the fanaticism 
which had been created by the prophet's incantations, 
he could not contend. Tecumthe was as wary and 
sagacious in council as he was bold and impetuous in 
war, and in the execution of his designs of whatever 
character. He possessed a capacity for commander 
of the very highest order. He was, besides, familiar 
with every cause of grievance of every tribe in the 
North-west — with all their passions and sympathies. 



"WILLIAM Iir.NHV IIAKKISON. 79 

This knoAvle(ifre ho iisod, ulth tlio most consummate 
skill, to carry out his ambitious projects. Though his 
brother was remarkable for little else than his cun- 
ning, he proved a powerful auxiliary, by enlisting the 
superstition of the tribes which they wished to mould 
to their views. AVith the view of impressing upon 
them the sacred calling and character of the prophet, 
Tecumthe affected to treat him as a being of a supe- 
rior order. By this cunning artifice he succeeded in 
inspiring a reverence for him, which gave him an im- 
mense influence. 

One of the first acts of Tecumthe, after the union 
between the tribes was consummated, was to induce 
them to abstain from using the supplies furnished by 
the United States. As a necessary consequence of 
this refusal, illicit trading followed, frequently accom- 
panied with fraud, violence, and sometimes murder, 
and hostile incursions soon followed. This state of 
things continued until war finally commenced. The 
treaty of Fort Wayne, negotiated by Governor Har- 
rison in 1809, gave especial offense to the distinguished 
chief, it being considered a violation of the great 
principle of his confederacy, which was that the In- 
dian lands were the common property of all the tribes, 
and could not be sold without their unanimous consent. 
He was absent when the treaty was ratified, and on his 
return not only indignantly refused to acknowledge it, 
but threatened to kill the chiefs who had signed it, de- 
claring his determination to prevent the lands, ceded to 
the United States by it, from being surveyed or settled. 



80 THE LIFE OP 

On being apprised of this determination, Governor 
Harrison sent a message to Tecumthe, informing him 
that any claims he might have to the lands which had 
been ceded bj the treaty of Fort Wayne, were not 
affected by that treaty, and inviting him to visit Vin- 
cennes and exhibit his pretensions, and if they were 
found to be valid, the lands would be relinquished, or 
an ample compensation made for it. In accordance 
with this invitation he went to Yincennes, in the month 
of August 1810, attended by four hundred warriors, 
notwithstanding Harrison had restricted the number 
to thirty. The interview took place in front of the 
governor's house, when Tecumthe entered into a long 
and elaborate statement of his many supposed or real 
causes of grievance, and the grounds upon which he 
refused to acknowledge the validity of the treaty of 
Fort Wayne. He alleged that the Great Spirit had 
created this continent exclusively for the use of the 
Indians, — that the white man had no right to come 
here and take it from them, — that no part of it was 
given to any tribe, but that the whole was the common 
property of all the tribes, and that, therefore, any 
sale of lands, made without their unanimous consent, 
was not binding upon any. 

Governor Harrison's reply to this artful address 
was firm, and at the same time conciliatory and mod- 
erate. He stated that the Indians, like the white 
people, were divided into different tribes or nations, 
and that the Great Spirit never intended that they 
should form but one nation, or he would not have 



WIl. 1.1AM IIEMIV HAIUU.MJN. 81 

tau^lit tlicm to speak ■dlflcrcnt languages, and thus 
precluding tlieni from understanding each other, llo 
also intornied them that, even if the ground taken hy 
Tecumthe was sound as a general principle, the Shaw- 
anoees, who emigrated from Cleorgia, could have no 
claims to the land on the AVahash, which had been in- 
habited by the Miamies far beyond the memory of 
man. At this point of his address the governor took 
his seat, for the purpose of having what he had said 
interpreted to the different tribes })resent. No sooner 
had it been translated into Shawanoees, than Tecum 
the interrupted the interpreter by indignantly declar 
ing that the statement of the governor was all false ! 
At the same time he gave the signal to his warriors, 
who immediately seized their weapons and sprang to 
their feet, ready to do the further bidding of their 
chief, whatever it might be. 

The occasion was one, it will readily be perceived, 
of the most imminent peril, and calling for the exer- 
cise of all the governor's coolness, courage, and pres- 
ence of mind. Great as the danger evidently was, 
Harrison proved equal to it, and remained as calm 
and self-possessed as though it was but an orjjinary 
occurrence. Although he was almost wholly unat- 
tended in the midst of four hundred fierce and des- 
perate savages, fully armed and ready for any outrage, 
he at once rose from his seat and drew his sword, and 
boldly faced the threatened storm. A considerable 
number of the citizens of Yinceunes were present, en- 
tirely unarmed, however, therefore compelled to remain 



82 THE LIFE OF 

mere spectators of the exciting scene. But close at 
hand was a guard, composed of a sergeant and twelve 
men, who were promptly ordered to take a proper po- 
sition for sustaining the governor in whatever emerg- 
ency might arise. But Tecumthe thought it advisable 
not to carry matters to extremities. The undaunted 
bearing and unrujffled self-possession of the man they 
had to deal with, brought Tecumthe to his senses, and 
made his savage train quail before his steady valor. 

The treacherous and wily chief thought to have 
taken the governor by surprise, and to have forced 
from him his own terms. But he soon discovered his 
error, and the mistaken estimate he had made of Har- 
rison's character. Though taken by surprise, and 
entirely at the mercy of the foe, he remained unmoved 
and 'firm in his purpose, equally incapable of violence 
and fear. The moral influence of his conduct under 
the critical circumstances Avith which he was surround- 
ed, was at once perceptible upon the savages, and 
especially upon Tecumthe. He knew how to appre- 
ciate such true courage, and it at once subdued him. 
When Harrison saw that all immediate danger was 
passed, he told Tecumthe that he was a bad man, and 
that he would have no further intercourse with him, 
and at once broke up the council, directing him to 
leave his camp and return to his home. 

Fearing that an attack might be made upon the 
town, as the savages greatly outnumbered its citizens, 
two companies of militia were brought in during the 
night, and a considerable number the following day. 



WILLIAM UENItV IIARIIISON. 83 

I>ut the next morning Tccumtlie sent for the inter- 
preter, apolofjized for liis bail faith, and requested that 
another conference nii<!;ht be granted liini. The re- 
quest was complied with by the governor, but he took 
good care not ogain to trust himself to the mercy of 
the treacherous enemy. He therefore took with him 
a number of his friends well-armed, and had the troops 
at his command ready for action. Another conference 
was accordingly held the same day, at which Tecum- 
the explained the cause of his conduct at the previous 
meeting. He alleged that it had been pursued in ac- 
cordance with advice given him by white persons in- 
terested in getting up a war between the Indians and 
the United States, but that it was not his intention to 
offer any violence to Governor Harrison. 

In reply to his speech, the governor inquired if 
he had any other claim to the lands ceded to the 
United States by the treaty of Fort Wayne, than such 
as he had stated at their interview. He answered 
that he had not ; but stated during the conference, 
that, if the lands in question were not relinquished to 
the Indians, it was his determination to wage a war 
against the United States, and that he would never 
bury the hatchet, or cease his efforts, until he had 
united all the tribes upon the continent into one grand 
confederacy, and compelled the pale faces to acknow- 
ledge their rights, and do justice to the Indian race. 
The council here ended, and Tecumthe withdrew. 

As soon as the council of Vincennes was dissolved, 
and the ambitious and saf]jacious chief discovered 



84 THE LIFE OF 

that he had nothing to hope from negotiation, he set 
about the great object of effecting his favorite object 
of a confederacy amongst all the North-American 
tribes. It was his policy to avoid hostility until this 
object should be accomplished, or the anticipated war 
between the United States and Great Britain should 
break out. The next year, in pursuance of this plan, 
he visited the southern Indians, leaving his brother in 
charge of a party at Tippecanoe. In reference to 
these efforts, Governor Harrison thus referred in his 
message to the Territorial Legislature of Indiana, at 
its next session : 

" Presenting, as we do, a very extended frontier 
to numerous and warlike tribes of the aborigines, the 
state of our relations with them must always form an 
important and interesting feature in our local politics. 
It is with regret that I have to inform you, that the 
harmony and good understanding, which it is so much 
our interest to cultivate with these our neighbors,- 
have, for some time past, experienced a considerable 
interruption, and that we have indeed been threatened 
with hostilities by a combination, formed under the 
auspices of a bold adventurer, who pretends to act 
under the immediate inspiration of the Deity. His 
character as a prophet, however, would not have given 
him any very dangerous influence, if he had not been 
assisted by the intrigues and advice of foreign agents 
and other disaffected persons, who have for years 
omitted no opportunity of counteracting the measures 
of the government with regard to the Indians, and 



WILLIAM IIKMIY HAIUUSON. 86 

filling tlicir naturally jealous minds Avith Buspicions of 
the justice and integrity of our views towards them. 

" The circumstance which was laid hold of to en- 
courage disaffection, on a late occasion, was the treaty 
made by me at Fort Wayne, in the autumn of the last 
year. Amongst the dilliculties which were to he en- 
countered to obtain those extinguishments of title, 
which have proved so beneficial to the treasury of the 
United States, and so necessary as the means of in- 
creasing the population of the territory, the most 
formidable was that of ascertaining the tribes which 
were to be admitted as parties to the treaties. The 
object was accordingly discussed in a long correspond- 
ence between the government and myself, and the 
principles which we finally adopted were made as lib- 
eral towards the Indians as a due regard for the in- 
terests of the United States would permit. Of the 
tribes which had formed the confederacy in the war 
which terminated by the peace of Greenville, some 
were residents upon the lands which were in possession 
of their forefathers at the time that the first settlements 
were made in America by white people, whilst others 
were emigrants from different parts of the country, 
and had no other claim to the tract they occupied, 
than what a few years' residence, by the tacit consent 
of the real owners, could give. Upon common and 
n^eneral principles, the transfer of the title of the 
former description would have been sufficient to vest 
in the purchaser the legal right to lands so situated. 
But in all its transactions with the Indians, our gov- 
8 



86 THE LIFE OF 

ernment has not been content with, doing that which 
was just only. Its savage neighbors have on all oc- 
casions experienced its liberality and benevolence. 
Upon this principle, in several of the treaties which 
have been concluded, several tribes have been admitted 
to a participation of their benefits, who had no title to 
the land ceded, merely because they had been accus- 
tomed to hunt upon, and derive part of their support 
from them. For this reason, and to prevent the Mi- 
amies, w^ho were the real owners of the land, from ex- 
periencing any ill effects from their resentment, the 
Delawares, Potowatamies, and Kickapoos, were made 
parties to the late treaty at Fort Wayne. No other 
tribe was admitted, because it never had been sug- 
gested that any other could plead even the title to use 
or occupancy of the lands, which at that time were 
conveyed to the United States. 

'' It was not until eisrht months after the conclu- 
sion of the treaty, and after his design of forming a 
combination against the United States had been dis- 
covered and defeated, that the pretensions of the pro- 
phet, in regard to the lands in question, were made 
known. A furious clamor was then raised by the for- 
eign agents among us, and other disaifected persons, 
against the policy which had excluded from the treaty 
this great and influential character, as he is termed, 
and the doing so expressly attributed to the personal 
ill-will on the part of the negotiator. No such ill-will 
did in fact exist. I accuse myself, indeed, of an error 
in the patronage and support which I afforded him on 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 87 

his first arrival on the Wabash, before his hostility to 
the United States had been developed. But on no 
principle of propriety or policy could he have been 
made a party to the treaty. The personage, called 
the prophet, is not a chief of the tribe to which he 
belongs, but an outcast from it, rejected and hated by 
the real chiefs, the principal of whom was present at 
the treaty, and not only disclaimed on the part of his 
tribe any title to the lands ceded, but used his per- 
sonal influence with the chiefs of other tribes to effect 
the cession. 

"As soon as I w^as informed that his dissatisfac- 
tion of the treaty was assigned as the cause of the 
hostile attitude which the prophet had assumed, I sent 
to inform him, that whatever claims he might have to 
the lands which had been purchased for the United 
States, were not in the least affected by the purchase ; 
that he might come forward and exhibit his preten- 
sions, and if they were really found to be just or equi- 
table, the lands would be restored, or an ample 
equivalent given for them. His brother was deputed 
and sent to me for that purpose ; but far from being 
able to show any color of claim, either for himself, 
or any of his followers, his objections to the treaty 
were confined to the assertion, that all the lands 
■ upon the continent were the common property of 
all the tribes, and that no sale of any part of it 
could be valid without the consent of all. A propo- 
sition so extremely absurd, and which would forever 
prevent any further purchase of lands by the United 



88 



THE LIFE OF 



States, could receive no countenance from any friend 
of his country. He had, however, the insolence to 
declare, that by the acknowledgment of that prin- 
ciple alone could the effects of his resentment be 
avoided." 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 89 



CHAPTER V. 

But, though Tccumthc was only successful to a 
limited extent in his mission amongst the southern 
Indian tribes, he rehixed none of his efforts to organ- 
ize his phms for prosecuting a war against the United 
States, nor abated any of his deep-rooted enmity 
against the white "intruders." Early in the year 
1811, matters had assumed so serious an aspect, that 
it was foreseen that the cloud of war, which had dark- 
ened the western frontier, must shortly burst, and in- 
volve the country once more in all the horrors of this 
most direful curse to frontier-settlers. The hostile 
intentions and the fierce hatred of the Indians, which 
had been so long and so industriously kept alive and 
stimulated by British spies and agents, began to as- 
sume so bold and threatening an aspect, that Governor 
Harrison saw the necessity of making prompt and ef- 
ficient preparations for the emergency. He therefore 
ap})lied to President Monroe for authority to prepare 
for the approaching contest. In accordance with this 
request an armed force, consisting of Ohio, Kentucky, 
and Indiana militia, was immediately furnished him, 
but with the strictest orders not to resort to hostili- 
ties of any kind whatsoever, and to any degree, not 
indispensably necessary. 
8* 



90 THE LIFE OF 

His situation was now of tlie most delicate and 
embarrassing character. Although furnished with 
means of defense, it was crippled Avith such rigid con- 
ditions as seemed to leave him but little discretion. 
Under these trying circumstances he consulted with 
Governor Howard, of Missouri, and Governor Ed- 
wards, of Illinois, who advised him to break up the 
prophet's town, where the Indians had already begun 
to assemble in large force. These outrages had be- 
come so frequent, in consequence of the impunity with 
which they had been suffered to carry on their depre- 
dations, that any longer forbearance would have been 
felt to be criminal indifference to the safety of the 
settlers. Surmounting every difficulty, he prepared 
to strike a blow that, if successful, would effectually 
crush the savage confederation, and put an end to all 
further apprehensions from them. When it had be- 
come known that an attack upon the prophet's town 
was resolved upon, a large number of gentlemen from 
Kentucky volunteered their services to Governor Har- 
rison, amongst whom where the gallant Joseph H. 
Daviess, an eminent lawyer of great military ambition ; 
Major-General Samuel Wells, wlio had already distin- 
guished himself in Indian wars; Colonel Owen, also 
a distinguished officer in those wars ; Colonel Keiger, 
and Messrs. Croghan, O'Fallan, and others, who after- 
wards distinguished themselves in the war with Great 
Britain, as well as at the battle of Tippecanoe. The 
governor's army was thus increased to about nine 
hundred effective men, consisting of regular troops 
and volunteer militia. 



WILLIAM IIKNRY HARRISON. 91 

Having completed all liis arrangements, he com- 
menced his march up the Wabash, ^vith the best dis- 
ciplined force that had ever been brought into the 
field against the Indians, towards the last of Septem- 
ber 1811. Acting under the express orders of the 
President, to present a last opportunity to the Indians 
for a reconciliation, before actually commencing hos- 
tilities. Governor Harrison came to a halt at Fort 
Harrison, within the limits of the United States, for 
the purpose of attempting to induce the prophet to 
deliver up the murderers, who had taken refuge 
amongst his men, and to deliver up the many horses 
that had been stolen from the white settlements. But 
his messengers were treated with contempt ; and ev- 
ery proposition made to him was rejected ; and to put 
an end to all hopes of accommodation, an attack was 
made upon the Americans, their sentinels fired upon, 
and one of them severely wounded. Findinn; it but 
lost time, therefore, to hold any further intercourse 
with the prophet, he determined to march upon the 
prophet's tow^n as soon as his army, which had sufi'ered 
severely from the use of fresh food, was in a condition 
for active service. On the 28th of October, Governor 
Harrison left Fort Harrison for the head-quarters of 
the prophet and his army. 

AVell skilled in the peculiar mode of Indian war- 
fare, and profiting by his own early experience and 
the example of General Wayne, his march through 
the wild region to Tippecanoe was conducted with so 
much skill and caution, that he avoided all danger of 



C2 THE LIFE OF 

an ambuscade or surprise from tlie enemy, and on the 
6th of November arrived within six miles of the pro- 
phet's town in perfect safety. In accordance w^ith 
the instructions of the President, Governor Harrison 
immediately sent a flag of truce to the prophet, to en- 
deavor once more to open an ample negotiation with 
the hostile Indians. A pacific, but deceitful, reply was 
returned to this overture, professing the most friendly 
intentions, and agreeing to meet the governor the next 
day in council with his chiefs, with the view to settle 
definitely the terms of peace. Harrison knew too well 
the treacherous character of his artful antagonist, to 
allow himself to be deceived by his friendly professions, 
or lulled into any fancied security. He carefully se- 
lected the most eligible and defensible position for his 
encampment, and posted his troops in a hollow square, 
with his cavalry drawn up in rear of the front line. 
His men were ordered to lie on their arms all night, 
that they might be in readiness at a moment's warn- 
ing for any sudden attack that might be made during 
the night. He also surrounded his entire camp with 
a chain of sentinels, placed at such a distance as to 
give timely notice of the approach of the enemy, and 
the officers were required to sleep with their clothes 
on, and their arms by their sides. The governor him- 
self, too, was ready to mount his horse at any moment. 
All these careful preparations to guard against a sur- 
prise were necessary, not only from their well-known 
treacherous character, but from certain intimations 
Governor Harrison thought he discovered in the sin- 



WILLIxiM HENRY IIAIIUISON. 93 

istcr conduct and proceedings of the prophet. He 
felt confident from these indications tliat an attack 
woiihl be ni:ide upon his encampment before morning. 

The order Avas given the army, in case of a night 
attack, for each corps to maintain its ground at all 
liazards until relieved. The dragoons "were directed, 
in such a case, to parade dismounted with their 
swords on and their pistols in their belts, and thus to 
wait for orders. The guard for the night consisted 
of two companies of forty-two men and four non- 
commissioned officers, each under the command of a 
field officer. 

The two columns of infantry occupied the front 
and rear of the position he had chosen, at the dis- 
tance of about one hundred and fifty yards from 
each other on the left, and something more than half 
that distance on the right flank. These flanks were 
filled up, the first by two companies of mounted rifle- 
men, amounting to about one hundred and twenty men, 
under the command of Major-General Wells, of the 
Kentucky militia, who served as a major ; the other 
by Spencer's company of mounted riflemen, which 
amounted to eighty men. The front line was com- 
posed of one battalion of United States infantry, un- 
der the command of Major Floyd, flanked on the 
right by two companies of militia, and on the left by 
one company. The rear line was composed of cne 
battalion of United States troops, under the com- 
mand of Captain Baen, acting as major, and four 
companies of militia infantry, under Lieutenant-Col- 



94 THE LIFE OF 

onel Decker. The regular troops of the line joined 
the mounted riflemen, under General Wells, on the 
left flank, and Colonel Decker's battalion formed 
with Spencer's company on the left. 

Two troops of dragoons, amounting in the aggre- 
gate to sixty men, were encamped in the rear of the 
left flank, and Captain Parker's troop, which was 
larger than the other two, in the rear of the front 
line. The order of encampment varied but little 
from the above described, except when some pecu- 
liarity of the ground made it necessary. For a night 
attack the order of encampment was the order of 
battle, and each man slept immediately opposite his 
post in the line. In the formation of his troops, 
Governor Harrison used a single rank, or what is 
called Indian file, because in Indian warfare, where 
there is no shock to resist, experience has shown that 
one rank is nearly as efficient as two, and in that 
kind of warfare the extension of line is of the utmost 
importance. Raw troops also manoeuvre with much 
more facility in single than in double ranks. In the 
evening he assembled all his field officers, and gave 
them the watchword and their instructions for the 
night. 

On the morning of the 7th of November, Gov- 
ernor Harrison had risen at a quarter before four 
o'clock, with the intention of ordering out the men, 
and the signal for that purpose was on the point of 
being given. The orderly drummer had already been 
roused for the reveille. The morning was dark, in 



WILLIAM IIEMIY HARRISON. 96 

consequence of tlie moon being overshadowed with 
clouds. After four o'clock, General Wells, Colonel 
Owen, and Colonel Daviess had all risen and joined 
the governor, when the treacherous foe, notwithstand- 
ing their appointment to meet them in council the 
next morning, for the purpose of listening to terms of 
peace, had crept up so near the American lines as 
to hear the sentries challenged when relieved. It 
was their intention to rush upon them and kill them 
before they could fire. But one of the sentries dis- 
covered an Indian creeping towards him in the grass, 
and fired upon him. This was immediately followed 
bj the Indian warwhoop, and a desperate attack 
upon the left of the American line.* But a single 
gun was fired by either the sentinel or guard in the 
direction of the attack. They made not the least re- 
sistance, but abandoned their officers and fled into 
the camp in the wildest confusion, and the first inti- 
mation the troops of that flank had of the attack 
was from the yells of the savages within a short dis- 
tance of the line. But though thus taken by sur- 
prise, through the bad conduct of the sentinels and 
guard, they promptly rallied and behaved with the 
most distinguished gallantry. Many of them were 
not yet awake, but upon the first alarm they seized 
their arms and took their stations. Those who were 
more tardy met and contended with the enemy in the 
doors of their tents. The storm first fell upon Cap- 
tain Barton's company of the fourth United States 

* McAfee's History of the Late War. 



96 THE LIFE OP 

regiment, and Captain Geiger's company of mounted 
riflemen, which formed the left angle of the rear line. 
The fire upon these companies was most galling and 
destructive, and they sufiered severely before relief ; 
could be brought to them. Some few Indians passed 
into the encampment near the angle, and one or two 
even penetrated some distance before they were killed. 

All the other companies were under arms and 
formed in line before the attack was commenced upon 
them. The camp fires, which afi'orded a partial light 
in the darkness of the morning, for the Indians to 
take a sure aim, and which was therefore more ad- 
vantageous to them than to the American army, were 
at once extinguished. Under all these discouraging 
circumstances, so well calculated to produce a panic 
even amongst veteran soldiers, the governor's troops, 
although nineteen-twentieths of them had never be- 
fore been in an action, exhibited the utmost coolness 
and bravery, and fought with a gallantry that enti- 
tled them to the highest honor. They took their 
places, too, with less noise and confusion than might 
have been expected from veteran troops in similar 
circumstances. 

As soon as Governor Harrison could mount his 
horse, he rode to the angle where the attack comx- 
menced, and found that Captain Barton's company 
had suffered severely, and that Captain Geiger's was 
entirely broken. He immediately ordered Captain 
Cook's company, and the late Captain Wentworth's, un- 
der Lieutenant Peters, to be brought up from the cen- 



"WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 97 

tre of the rear line, where the ground was much more 
defensible, and formed across the an^rlc in support of 
Barton's and Geiger's companies, lie then discov- 
ered that a heavy fire was kept up on the left of tlie 
front line, where a small company of United States 
ritlemen, armed however with muskets, were sta- 
tioned, and also the companies of Captains Bacn, Snel- 
ling, and Prescott, of the fourth regiment. Colonel 
Daviess immediately formed the dragoons in the rear 
of these companies. Understanding that the heav- 
iest part of the fire proceeded from a small thicket, 
fifteen or twenty rods in front of them, Harrison 
directed him to dislodge them with a part of his 
dragoons. Unfortunately the order was not distinctly 
heard by his men, and but few of them accompanied 
him in the charge, amongst whom were Messrs. Mead 
and Sanders, who afterwards rendered signal service 
in the armv of the United States. This enabled the 
enemv to avoid him in front and attack his flanks. 
The charge, therefore, though executed with great 
gallantry, was entirely unsuccessful, and the brave 
Colonel Daviess, as chivalrous an officer as ever drew 
a sword in his countrv's defence, fell mortallv wounded. 
The Indians, however, were immediately dislodged 
from their advantageous position by Captain Snel- 
ling, at the head of his company. 

In the course of a few minutes after the com- 
mencement of the attack, the fire extended along the 
left flank, the whole of the front, the right flank, and 
part of the rear line. Upon Spencer's mounted rifle- 
9 



98 THE LIFE OF 

men, and the right of Captain Warwick's, the latter 
of which was posted on the right of the rear line, the 
fire was excessively severe. Captain Spencer and his 
first and second lieutenant were killed, and Captain 
Warwick was mortally wounded. Their companies, 
however, still bravely maintained their posts, but 
Captain Spencer's Company had suffered so, severely, 
and having originally too much ground to occupy, 
was reinforced with Captain Roble's company of ri- 
flemen. This company had been driven from their 
position, or ordered from it by mistake. They fought 
bravely, however, during the whole action, and espe- 
cially after they had been ordered to the support of 
Spencer's company, having seventeen men killed in 
the battle. 

The great object of Governor Harrison was to 
keep the lines entire and unbroken, in order to pre- 
vent the enemy from penetrating into the camp until 
daylight, when a general and more effectual charge 
could be made. With this view he had reinforced 
every part of the line as fast as it had become weak- 
ened, and as soon as the approach of morning was 
discovered. Captain Snelling's company, Captain Po- 
sey's, under Lieutenant Albright's, and Captain 
Scott's, were withdraw^n from the front line, and Cap- 
tain Wilson's from the rear line, and drawn up upon 
the left flank ; and at the same time Captain Cook's 
and Captain Baen's companies, the former from the 
rear, and the latter from the front line, were ordered 
to reinforce the right flank, the governor foreseeing 



WILLIAM HENRY HAURrSOX. 09 

that all the enemy would make their last efforts. 
General AVells, Avho eommanded on the left flank, not 
knowinu^ the intentions of the governor preeisely, had 
taken eommand of these companies, and ^vith the aid 
of some mounted dragoons, commanded by Captain 
Park, and charged the enemy before the governor had 
completed his arrangements for the attack. But the 
charge was entirely successful, however, and the In- 
dians were driven by him and the infantry, at the 
point of the bayonet, and forced bv the drafjoons into 
a marsh, Avliere they could not be followed. 

Captain Cook and Lieutenant Larebee had, in the 
meantime, agreeably to the governor's orders, marched 
their companies to the right flank, and formed them 
under the fire of the enemy. Being then joined by 
the riflemen of that flank, they had charged the In- 
dians, killed a number, and put the rest to a precipi- 
tate flight. The decisive success of this charge, and 
the over^Yhelming defeat of the enemy at this point, 
terminated the battle, and gave the victory to the 
American arms. 

The whole of the infantry was under the command 
of Colonel Boyd, who acted as Brigadier-General, 
during the engagement, and formed a small brigade. 
Throughout the action he manifested equal zeal and 
bravery in carrying into execution the orders of Gov- 
ernor Harrison, in keeping the men at their posts and 
stimulating their courage and exertions. His brigade. 
Major Clark, and his aid-de-camp, Croghan, also ren- 
dered valuable service by their coolness and courage 



100 THE LIFE OF 

during the battle. The conduct of Colonel Joseph Bar- 
tholomew, a brave officer, who commanded the militia 
infantry, under General Boyd — ,Major G. R. C. Floyd, 
the senior of the fourth United States regiment who 
commanded the battalion of that regiment, — Colonel 
Decker, who commanded on the right of the rear line, 
and Major-General Wells of the fourth division of 
Kentucky militia, — all likewise received the highest 
praise from the commander-in-chief for their gallant 
conduct and good services. Indeed, every officer of 
the army, as well as the rank and file, discharged 
their whole duty like brave men and true soldiers. 
Several of the militia companies acted with the steady 
courage and firmness of veteran troops. 

Amongst the killed, the brave and accomplished 
Colonel Joseph H. Daviess, of Kentucky, has already 
been mentioned, as have also Captains Spencer and 
Warwick, and Lieutenants McMahon and Berry, all 
accomplished and excellent officers. In. addition to 
these, Colonel Abraham Owen, commandant of the 
eighteenth Kentucky regiment, who joined the army 
as a volunteer a few days before the action, and who 
acted as an aid to Governor Harrison during the bat- 
tle, also fell early in the action. He was a noble- 
minded and brave man, and a much-esteemed citizen. 
Captain Baen, of the fourth United States regiment, 
another gallant officer and brave soldier, was killed, 
too, early in the action. In the death of these brave 
officers, the United States suffered a great loss, as 
they possessed the characteristics of true soldiers, 



"WILLIAM HENRY HARIIISON. 101 

and displayed the most clilvalrons devotion, even after 
they had been mortally wounded. Even after Cap- 
tain Spencer had been shot through the head, he ex- 
horted his men to fiMit on. Beinfji: next shot throuirh 
both thighs, he still continued to encourage his men, 
and even requested to be taken back after he had 
been carried off the field, and when it was evident he 
had but a short time to live. Other similar acts of 
self-sacrificing devotion might be recorded. 

The whole loss of the Americans, in killed, was 
sixty-two, and one hundred and twenty-six wounded. 
The Indians left thirty-eight, and their whole loss, in 
killed, was supposed to have been between fifty and 
sixty ; but from their practice of carrying their dead 
ofi" the field when in their power, their loss was un- 
known. The number of Indians engaged in the ac- 
tion were estimated at six hundred. Three weeks 
before the battle, the prophet was known to have had 
four hundred and fiftv followers ; and his force was 
daily augmented by the arrival of lawless adven- 
turers. Not an American was taken prisoner during 
the action. 

This was probably one of the most desperate bat- 
tles ever fought with the Indians, and but for the 
caution and efficiency of Governor Harrison, might 
have terminated as fatally to the American army as 
the night attack upon General St. Clair, just twenty 
years before. Resolutions were passed by the legis- 
latures of Kentucky and Indiana, highly complimen- 
tary to Governor Harrison and the officers and men 



102 THE LIFE OP 

under his command. It established the reputation of 
the commander-in-chief on the most solid and perma- 
nent basis, and created a feeling of confidence and 
security amongst the frontier settlers that had never 
before been experienced.* 

An incident occurred the evening before this ac- 
tion admirably illustrative of his character for mag- 
nanimity. A negro, named Ben, who was attached 
to his camp, deserted to the Indians, and entered into 
a conspiracy to assassinate his old general as soon as 
the attack upon him should commence. Being ap- 
prehended while lurking about Governor Harrison's 
marquee, waiting for an opportunity to execute his 
bloody purpose, he was tried by a court-martial and 
sentenced to be shot. The execution of the sentence 
was delayed for a short time, in consequence of the 
troops being engaged in fortifying the camp. In the 
meantime, the negro was put into Indian stocks, that 
is, a log split open, notches cut in it to fit the cul- 
prit's legs, and when placed in it, firmly staked to the 
ground. Governor Harrison interposed his authority 
and pardoned the guilty wretch, assigning as a reason 
for the undeserved act of clemency the following : — 
" The fact was," said he, to a friend afterwards, " that 
I began to pity him, and could not screw myself up 
to the point of giving the fatal order. If he had 
been out of my sight he would have been executed. 
The poor wretch lay confined before my fire, his face 
receiving the rain that occasionally fell, and his eyes 

* Brackenridge's History of the Late War. 



WILLIAM IIEMIY IIARRISOX. 108 

constantly turned upon nie as if imploring mercy. I 
could not "withstand tlio a})peal, and determined to 
give him another chance for his life. 

Though the conduct of Governor Harrison, both 
preceding and during this action, has been as severely 
criticised as any battle ever fought between the Amer- 
icans, "whether Indians, English, or ^Mexicans, yet it 
has received the universal approval of military men, 
and of every man competent to form a correct judg- 
ment, -who has given the subject any investigation. 
Amongst others who have paid the highest commenda- 
tion to his prudence, judgment, and military genius, 
"were most, if not all, the gallant officers "who served 
under him on that occasion, especially the brave and 
gallant O'Fallan, AVells, General Scott, Major Larri- 
bee, and Captain Snelling. A defence of his conduct, 
therefore, "would no"W be as out of place as it would be 
unnecessary. The charges were originally made by 
his personal enemies, and renewed w^ith equal bitter- 
ness by his political opponents, "when a candidate for 
a high office many years after, not to be permanently 
believed, but to effect a temporary disaffection. The 
battle has been fought over again many times, and, 
after years of altercation, public opinion has per- 
manently settled the question in favor of the military 
skill, prudence, and caution, displayed by Governor 
Harrison. All the accusations of his personal enemies 
have been disproved, and those of his political oppo- 
nents abandoned. 

In regard to the personal bearing and gallant con- 



104 THE LIFE OP 

duct of the commancler-in-cliief during the engage- 
ment, cotemporaneous testnuony is equally clear, and 
public opinion equally decided. Mutual confidence 
existed between him and his officers and soldiers to an 
extent rarely equaled. Wherever his presence was 
required, there he was found urging on his troops by 
cheering words and his personal example.* He shared 
every danger and fiitigue to which his army was ex- 
posed. In the battle he was in more peril than any 
other officer, as he was personally known to every In- 
dian, and exposed himself fearlessly on horseback at 
all points of attack during the w^hole engagement. 
Every important movement was made by his express 
order. f His self-possession, too, was as remarkable 
as his courage and personal exertions throughout tlie 
battle. Though shrouded in almost impenetrable dark- 
ness almost the whole time the action lasted, he seemed 
t to understand, as if by intuition, where his presence 
was most needed, and there he was sure to be found. 

■^ Dawson's Life of Harx-ison. 
f Hall's Memoirs of Harrison. 



WILLIAM IIP:NRY HARRISON. 105 



CHAPTER VI. 

The battle of Tippecanoe was but the precursor 
of more important events, and only preceded the war 
with Great Britain, which it had been long foreseen 
must soon burst upon the country, — as the shadow 
precedes the substance. If anything were required 
to inflame the country to a still higher pitch of exas- 
peration tlian had been produced by the well-known 
efforts of British agents to incense the Indians against 
the United States, and their positive encouragement 
to repeated outrages, and the insolent aggressions of 
the British government on our commerce, it was found 
in this battle. It was, indeed, the beginning of the 
war. There was little doubt that the Indians had pre- 
viously received assurances of aid from Great Britain 
in case of hostilities, and they immediately began to 
threaten all the American border-population in tlie 
Michigan, Indiana, and Illinois Territories, as well as 
the north-western confines of New York, Pennsylvania, 
and Ohio.* The whole of the western frontier was 
thrown into a state of alarm, and many of the inhab- 
itants removed to the older settlements for safety. 

* Monette's Valley of the Mississippi. 






106 THE LIFE OF 

Besides the efforts of Great Britain to stii' up a 
war amongst the Indians against us, and her impress- 
ment of American seamen, an affair between an Amer- 
ican and English vessel of war, on the 16th of May, 
1811, served greatly to complicate matters between 
the two governments. This was an attack upon the 
United States frigate President, Commodore Rogers, 
by the British ship-of-war Little Belt, commanded by 
Captain Brigham, under the following circumstances : 
When off Cape Henry, the President fell in with the 
Little Belt, and having come within speaking distance 
after a long chase, hailed her, and was hailed in turn 
as the only answer to Commodore Rogers. Believing 
himself entitled to the first answer, as he hailed first, 
he hailed a second time after a few seconds pause, and 
before he took the trumpet from his mouth, the Little 
Belt fired upon him, cutting off one of the main-top 
back-stays, and the ball entering the main-mast of the 
President, and immediately after another, and then 
three more in quick succession. Hereupon, being de- 
termined neither to be the aggressor, nor suffer the 
American flag to be insulted without impunity, he 
gave a general order to fire. In the course of ten 
minutes the Little Belt was entirely disabled and si- 
lenced, when Commodore Rogers ceased firing. From 
twenty to thirty of her men were killed or wounded. 
A court-martial, called to examine the conduct of 
Commodore Rogers, fully acquitted him of going be- 
yond his most imperative duty to his country. But 
the affair was made a pretext, on the part of the Brit- 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 10 

ish government, for still further outrages and inso- 
lence, and great efforts were made to prove that the 
President was the aggressor, but without success. 
' The United States government was unwilling to 
resort to war, as 1 rg as there was any hope of an 
honorable adjustment, and therefore exhibited great 
forbearance. But this very proper apprehension of 
venturing upon the experiment of resorting to arms, 
and involving the country in a long and bloody war, 
was looked upon by Great Britain as proceeding from 
pusillanimity rather than a humane desire to avoid 
bloodshed, and subjected us to new insults. This state 
of things could not and was not long to continue. The 
public mind was gradually becoming not only prepared, 
but anxious for the contest. Dreadful as the alternative 
of war was, and anxious as the American government 
and people were to avoid it, they nevertheless felt 
that there were other things worse even than that, — 
that a peace purchased at the price of dishonor was 
far more to be deprecated. The first session of the 
Twelfth Congress assembled under the influence of 
this state of the popular feeling, and was protracted 
to an unusual length by the exciting and momentous 
question of peace or war. 

On the 5th of June, 1812, President Madison laid 
before Congress the correspondence between the 
American Secretary of State and the British Minister 
near this government, which seemed to preclude all 
probability of a satisfactory adjustment.'^ At length, 

* Breckenridge's Late War. 



108 THE LIFE OF 

on the 18tli of June, 1812, after having sat with closed 
doors for seven days a declaration of war was de- 
clared against Great Britain. This act, terrible as it 
was, received the approbation of the people, or a 
large majority of them.* 

After the battle of Tippecanoe, Governor Har- 
rison proceeded, with his usual energy and regard for 
the public interests, to put the frontier in a state of 
defense, as well against the Indian incursions, as to be 
prepared for the approaching war with England. He 
held interviews with the governors of several of the 
western States, at which plans of defense were ar- 
ranged, measures taken for enrolling and equipping 
troops and preparing munitions of war. From the 
large military experience of Governor Harrison, as 
well as from his well-known abilities and patriotism, 
the most unlimited confidence was felt in his opinions 
and judgment, and his advice in all matters relating 
to the defenses of the country was never unheeded 
bj the people of the West. 

When he had aided Governor Edwards, of Illi- 
aois, in putting the exposed portions of that State in a 
posture of defense, he was invited by the distin- 
guished General Charles Scott, of Kentucky, then 
governor of the State, to hold a conference with him 
in relation to the disposition of the Kentucky troops 
who were destined to protect the western frontier. 
He at once proceeded to Frankfort, where he was re- 
ceived with public honors, the governor appearing in 

* gee Appendix (B). 



AVILLTAM {IKNRV IIARUISON. 109 

person at the head of tlie troops, amidst the firhig of 
cannon and the acclamations of the people.* 

The highest civil and military honors were paid 
him as a mark of respect for his distinguished public 
services and private virtues, and marks of the ardent 
attachment and unbounded confidence of the people 
whom he had so triumphantly defended from their 
savage enemy. 

After having remained at Frankfort some days, he 
was actively engaged in maturing plans for the protec- 
tion of the lives and property of the people of the West, 
and giving to that object all the energies of his ac- 
tive mind. During this visit to Kentucky, an incident 
occurred which may not be without sufficient interest 
to deserve recording : — One day Governor Harrison 
dined in Lexington, in company with a large party of 
gentlemen of that town and its vicinity, all of them 
ardent friends of the war. The conversation turning 
upon the north-western campaign, and the governor 
delivering his sentiments similar to those in a letter af- 
terwards written, the company were so struck with the 
wisdom and justice of his remarks that he was urged to 
communicate them to the Secretary of War. To this 
he objected on the ground that it might be interfering 
with matters which were foreign to his own duty, and 
might not therefore be considered entirely free from 
presumption. But being assured by Mr. Clay, v.ho 
was one of the party, and who was always alive to 
the true interests and honor of his country, that it 

* Hall's Life of Harrison. 

10 



110 THE LIFE OF 

would be well received by tbe government, the letter 
was written. 

In this letter, besides suggesting a system of op- 
erations, in wliicli he displayed his intimate acquaint- 
ance with the military art as with the actual con- 
dition of affairs throughout the whole western coun- 
try, he evinced the sagacity of a strong and pene- 
trating mind by predicting events, which, unhappily 
for the country, had not been anticipated by the gov- 
ernment.* He expressed his fear that the capture 
of Macinac would give the British and Indians arms, 
that the northern tribes would pour down in swarms 
upon Detroit, oblige General Hall to act entirely on 
the defensive, and meet, and perhaps overpower, the 
convoys and reinforcements that might be sent to him. 
He considered it highly probable that the large de- 
tachment which was destined for his relief, under 
Colonel Wells, would have to fight its way ; but he 
expressed his confidence in their valor, though he was 
apprehensive that the event might be adverse to the 
Americans, and that Detroit might fall, and with it 
every hope of re-establishing our affairs in that quarter 
until the next year. These considerations induced 
him strongly to recommend the Secretary of War to 
send a reinforcement to General Hall. 

War having now commenced in earnest, the eyes 
of the whole West were turned upon Governor Har- 
rison as the ablest General, and one of the most pop- 
ular men of the nation. Governor Scott, of Kentucky, 

* Dawson's Life of Harrison, 



WILLIAM UKNRY HARRISON. HI 

liad levied nn armed force of five thousand militia, 
commanded by some of the most experienced officers 
of the State. Two thousand of these were designed 
for immediate service. No sooner had they learned 
their destination, than they expressed the most earn- 
est desire to be placed under the command of Gover- 
nor Harrison, and this feeling met a cordial response 
from the people of the entire State. 

But there seemed to be an insuperable difficulty in 
the way of such an arrangement in the laws of Ken- 
tucky, which prohibited any other man than a citizen 
of the State from holding a command in her militia. 
In this dilemma. Governor Scott held a consultation 
with the venerable Isaac Shelby, Governor elect,— 
Henry Clay, then Speaker of the United States 
House of Representatives,— Thomas Todd, United 
States Judge, — and several other most distinguished 
individuals,— by whom it was unanimously decided 
that Governor Harrison should receive a brevet com- 
mission of Major-General, from the Governor of Ken- 
tucky, in the militia of that State. 

This was a distinction as unusual as it was honor- 
able, and did infinite credit to the judgment and fore- 
sight of the authorities and people of Kentucky. It 
was received with the most lively satisfaction by the 
people of the West, and inspired a feeling of confi- 
dence that nothing else, short of a defeat of the 
enemy, could have produced. 

The appointment was made on the 25th of xVugust, 
1812, and shortly after he marched to the relief of 



112 THE LIFE OF 

tlie frontier posts, especially Fort Harrison, on the 
Wabash, and Fort Wayne, situated on the Miami of 
the lakes. He reached Cincinnati on the 27th of the 
same month. At the same time, Brigadier-General 
James Winchester, of the army of the United States, 
was recruiting at Lexington ; and having written to 
the Secretary of War, that he intended to assume the 
command of that portion of the Kentucky troops then 
under General Payne, on their march to Detroit, he 
accordingly set off and overtook the detachment at 
Cincinnati. Upon General Harrison's arrival at that 
place, he informed General Winchester of the author- 
ity he had received to take the command of the Ken- 
tucky troops, but invited him to continue with the 
army. Winchester, however, immediately returned 
to Lexington. On the 28th, he wrote the letter to 
the Secretary of War, suggesting a plan of opera- 
tions for the campaign, an incident in connection with 
which has alread}^ been noticed. On the 30th, he left 
Cincinnati, and joined his troops the next day about 
forty miles north of that city. 

In the meantime, the Secretary of War, not 
having yet been advised of the appointment con- 
ferred upon Governor Harrison by the executive of 
Kentucky, had appointed General Winchester to take 
command of the same troops. The information of this 
appointment, in reality superseding Harrison, created 
no little excitement and disapprobation throughout 
the army ; and the venerable Shelby at once wrote to 
\\e Department, remonstrating against the proceed- 



WILLIAM HKXRV IIARUISON. 113 

ing, as a measure not only very unpopular, Imt likely 
to prove liiglily injurious to tlic country. But Gen- 
eral Harrison, ever ready to submit to tlie Lnvs, and 
cheerfully to yield his oun -wishes and interests to the 
public good, at once Avrotc to General AVinchester, 
from Piqua, where he arrived on the 3rd of Septem- 
ber, to come to that place and assume the command 
of the detachment. 

While Avaiting the arrival of General Winchester, 
however, he determined to destroy the Indian towns 
on the Wabash Elk Hart, and for that purpose Gen- 
eral Wells led a body of troops to the latter place, 
and General Harrison himself headed those destined 
for the former. Both of these expeditions were suc- 
cessful ; and after having destroyed several towns and 
large quantities of corn, they returned to Fort Wayne, 
where General Winchester shortly arrived and took 
command of that portion of the army designed for 
him. This consisted of the regiments of Colonels 
Allen, Lewis, and Scott, of the Kentucky troops, — 
Garrard's troops of cavalry, also of Kentucky, — and 
a part of the ITth United States regiment of infan- 
trv, under General Wells. 

In consequence of this supersedure. General Har- 
rison, on the 19th of September, took leave of the 
armv in a very affectionate manner, and set out for 
the Indiana Territory, Avith a body of troops, to break 
the settlements of the savages. In his general order 
of that date, he closes by adding, that " if anything 
could soften the regret which the General feels at 
10- 



114 THE LIFE OF 

parting with troops which have so entirely won bis 
confidence and aftection, it is the circumstance of his 
committing them to the charge of one of the heroes 
of the glorious revolution, a man distinguished as 
well for the services he has rendered the country as 
for the possession of every qualification which consti- 
tutes the gentleman." 

So great was the dissatisfaction created hy the 
appointment of Winchester over Harrison, that it re- 
quired all his influence, as well as that of the officers 
of the detachment,' to recommend the soldiers to the 
change. But the President of the United States, 
seeing the confidence that the western people reposed 
in General Harrison, and anticipating the dissatisfac- 
tion that his withdrawal from the army would pro- 
duce, appointed him commander-in-chief of the whole 
western department. On the 24th of September, he 
received a letter from the War Department, in answer 
to his communication from Cincinnati upon his ap- 
pointment by the Governor of Kentucky, in which 
the Secretary informing him that in taking command 
of the north-western army, he had only anticipated 
the wishes of the President. A few days after, he 
received another dispatch, dated on the 17th day of 
September, officially announcing to him his appoint- 
ment to the command from which he had been dis- 
placed. 

A messenger was therefore dispatched for him, 
and he accordingly returned and resumed the com- 
mand of the army. The most extensive powers were 



WILLIAM HENRY IIARUISON. 115 

conferred upon General Harrison Ity tlie Prcsiilent. 
He was authorized to command all such meana as 
might be practicable, to exercise his own discretion, 
and act in all cases accordin;^ to his judgment. Such 
unlimited power had rarely before been conferred 
upon any American commander, and never perhaps; 
except upon Washington and Greene. General Har- 
rison, however, had already proved himself worthy 
of such confidence, and shown that power in his 
hands never would be abused, and never used except 
for the public good, and to promote the designs of 
the government. In communicating the appointment 
of General Harrison to Congress, he expressed the 
most unlimited confidence in his skill and ability. 

At the same time that this appointment conferred 
upon him powers of the most delicate kind, it also 
imposed upon him responsibilities, requiring the exer- 
cise of all his great talents. The services he was 
required to perform were, in the opinion of old, ex- 
perienced able officers, the most extensive and arduous 
that were ever required of any commander in America. 
The endless number of posts and scattered settle- 
ments which he was obliged to maintain and protect, 
and numerous and scattered bands of Indians, while 
he was contending with difiiculties almost insurmount- 
able, in the main expedition against Maiden, were 
sufficient to employ all the time and talents and re- 
sources of the greatest military genius at the head of 
a well-appointed army.* 

* McAfee's History of the Last "War. 



116 THE LIFE OP 

The day before General Harrison returned to 
Fort Wayne to take upon himself once more the com- 
mand of the army, General Winchester had marched 
for Fort Defiance on his way to the Rapids, the ulti- 
mate destination of the forces under his command. 
It consisted of a brigade of Kentucky militia, four 
hundred regulars, and a troop of horse — in all, about 
two thousand men. The march was one of great 
difficulty and embarrassment, and to facilitate it, 
each man was compelled to carry provisions for six 
days. General Harrison now proceeded in person to 
Fort St. Mary's, for the purpose of organizing the 
ultimate movements of the army. A detachment was 
ordered to proceed with supplies, under Major Jen- 
nings, to the Auglaize river. 

The army was obliged to advance with great cau- 
tion, in order to avoid surprise, in a country so highly 
favorable for Indian warfare. Owing to the close- 
ness of the thicket, the troops were compelled to cut 
out a road as they proceeded, and were unable to 
proceed more than seven or eight miles a day. They 
took the precaution to send in advance a party of 
spies, and also an advance guard of about three hun- 
dred men. During the march, they fell in with a 
party of Indians, whom they succeeded in dislodging 
from an ambush they had formed for the Americans ; 
and when near Fort Defiance, they found them en- 
camped in great force within two miles of that fort. 
A messenger arrived on the 29th of September from 
Colonel Jennings, with the information that, on hav- 



WILMAM HENRY IIAUIIISON. 117 

ino- discovered the British and Indians in possession 
of Fort Defiance, he had landed about forty miles 
above that place, and erected a blockhouse, where 
he was awaiting further orders. lie was ordered to 
join the army with the provisions, and the order was 
promptly obeyed, and the exhausted army was once 
more recruited in body and spirits. In the meantime 
the British and Indians precipitately abandoned the 
fort, and the American army took immediate posses- 
sion of it. 

While at this fort, news Avas received that General 
Harrison had been appointed to the command of the 
north-western army. This intelligence was received 
with the liveliest satisfaction by the soldiers, and went 
far to reconcile them to the severe hardships they were 
called upon to endure. In announcing the appoint- 
ment, he expressed his earnest hope that General 
Winchester might remain with the army. On the 
3rd of October he yielded up his command to General 
Harrison. In his general order of that date, relin- 
quishing the command of the army to his successor, 
he expressed a high opinion of the great military skill 
and reputation of General Harrison, and declared his 
belief that his appointment would be hailed with uni- 
versal satisfaction. As General Winchester prefer- 
red the service in the north-west to that on the Ni- 
agara frontier, General Harrison immediately ap- 
pointed him to the left wing of the army.* 

The charge has been preferred against General 

* Sketches of the civil and military services of General Harrison 



118 THE LIFE OF 

Harrison, by the frien'ds of General Winchcv^ter, of 
haying procured his appointment to the command of 
the north-western army by unworthy means. But 
there was not the slightest ground for the accusation 
to rest upon, and it has been so triumphantly dis- 
proved by gentlemen of the highest character and the 
amplest means of information, that it left no impres- 
sion on the public mind injurious, in the slightest de- 
gree, to the reputation of General Harrison. 

General Harrison left Fort Defiance on the 4th 
of October, and returned to Fort St. Mary's, with the 
view of organizing and bringing up the centre of the 
army. General Tupper was ordered to proceed im- 
mediately to the Rapids, by the commander-in-chief, 
with about one thousand men, for the purpose of 
driving the enemy from that place. But the expedi- 
tion proved a failure, in consequence of the delays 
caused by the damaged state of the ammunition and 
the requisite time necessary to prepare the provisions 
for the troops. They were also totally insensible to 
everything like military discipline or subordination. 
So literally true was this, that upon Major Bush being 
ordered to disperse a body of Indians lurking in the 
vicinity, the w^hole camp broke up in bodies of twenty 
and thirty, and joined in the chase without the slight- 
est regard for order or even common prudence. If 
they had been attacked, they must inevitably have 
been cut to pieces. 

General Tupper was, immediately after this oc- 
currence, ordered to go in pursuit of the Indians, and, 



WILLIAM ITFNRY ITARRIRON. 119 

if possible, to ascertain tlieir strength. But he re- 
presented to General Winchester the disorganized 
state of his troops, and requested that the order might 
be countermanded. The commanding general, how- 
ever, peremptorily persisted in it, and General Tupper 
attempted to execute it. But this resulted in a mis- 
understanding between the two officers, that led to 
the appointment of Colonel xVllen to supersede Gen- 
eral Tupper, and the consequent refusal of the Ohio 
troops to submit to the command of the former. The 
expedition, therefore, was broken up and abandoned. 

Nothing more could now be done until the arrival 
of the other winn; of the armv, either against the 
Rapids or Detroit. General Tupper having returned 
to Urbana, after his misunderstanding Avith General 
Winchester, with his mounted men, was dispatched 
with the division of the centre, consisting of a bri- 
gade of Ohio volunteers and militia, and a regiment 
of regulars, to Fort M 'Arthur, while the right wing, 
consisting; of a Pennsylvania and a Yirn;inia brio-ade, 
was ordered to Sandusky.* On his arrival there, he 
organized another expedition to proceed against the 
Rapids, consisting of about six hundred men. The 
expedition marched on the 10th of October, and ar- 
rived within thirteen miles of the Rapids on the 13th, 
which was still in the hands of the British and In- 
dians. General Tupper marched immediately for the 
fort, intending to cross the river and attack it at 
once. Bat he found the river too rapid to effect this, 

* Brackenridge's History of the War. 



120 THE LIFE OF 

and therefore attempted to induce the enemy to cross 
bj resorting to a stratagem. This was only partially 
successful, though a considerable number finally 
crossed over, and a brisk skirmish ensued, which 
finally resulted unfavorably to the Americans, and 
they were compelled hastily to return to Fort M'Ar- 
thur. 

After the failure of General Tupper's attempt to 
cross the river, he dispatched an express to General 
Winchester for reinforcements, and upon the arrival 
of his second express he found that a detachment of 
four hundred men had been sent out under the com- 
mand of Colonel Lewis, to march to his support. On 
the loth, this reinforcement proceeded on their march, 
and during the night Ensign Charles S. Todd, after- 
wards minister to Russia, under General Taylor's 
administration, was sent with a few men to apprise 
General Tuppcr of his approach. But he found 
General Tupper's camp evacuated. He therefore re- 
turned, and Colonel Lewis at once retreated to Gen- 
eral Winchester's camp. Though this expedition was 
in some degree a failure, it was of service in one par- 
ticular, which was in inducing the detachment of Brit- 
ish and Indians to fall back to the river Raisin, and 
to abandon the design of removing the corn from the 
farms that had been abandoned at the Rapids, the 
principal object of their expedition to that place.* 

Events of considerable importance, meanwhile, 
were transpiring further West. A large army had 

* M'Afee's History of tlie late War. 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 121 

assembled at Yincennes, and early in October pro- 
ceeded to Fort Harrison, under the command of Gen- 
eral Hopkins, and sanctioned by Governor Shelby, of 
Kentucky. This army reached Fort Harrison about 
the 10th of October, and proceeded soon after against 
the Kickapoos and Peoria towns. But after a march 
of only four days, evident signs of discontent began 
to exhibit themselves, and every man seemed to feel 
at liberty to act upon his own responsibility, and the 
army became little more than an ungovernable mob. 
They demanded to be led back, and everything was 
in disorder; and after every effort on the part of 
General Hopkins to awaken in his men some little 
sense of duty had failed, the crowd returned to Fort 
Harrison, against his orders, and left him to bring up 
the rear. Not long after, he led another expedition 
against the towns at the head of the Wabash, with 
more success, which he destroyed. The principal 
camp of the Indians was also discovered, which they 
were compelled to evacuate, though they occupied an 
exceeding strong position. 

Some time previous to the termination of this ex- 
pedition, an attack was made on Fort Harrison, then 
in the command of Captain Zachary Taylor, after- 
wards President of the United States. This was a 
rude and weak stockade, garrisoned by only fifty 
men, most of whom, like Captain Taylor himself, were 
worn down and disabled by their long and severe ser- 
vice. Almost in the midst of an enemy's country, 
surrounded on all sides by a sleepless savage foe, and 
11 



122 THE LIFE OF 

kept constantlj on the alert, night and day, for weeks 
together, Taylor and his men had nearly sunk under 
the fatigue and labor they had been compelled to 
endure. 

While in this Avretched condition, with scarcely a 
dozen men fit for service, he was attacked on the 
night of September 5th, after an ineffectual attempt 
to get possession of the fort by stratagem, by a force 
of four hundred and fifty Indians. The attack was 
commenced about eleven o'clock at night, amidst the 
excitement and confusion occasioned by the burning 
of the lower blockhouse, containing the property of 
the contractor, which they had previously fired. The 
Indians, confident of victory, had completely sur- 
rounded the garrison, and commenced their fire upon 
all sides, simultaneously with the firing of the block- 
house. Captain Taylor, however, was prepared for 
the attack, and was neither dismayed by that nor the 
even more dangerous enemy they had called to their 
aid. He calmly gave his orders for extinguishing the 
flames, but for a long time all efforts were fruitless. 
The fire communicated with the roof, in spite of all 
their exertions to check it. Finally, however, by his 
great presence of mind, and the well-directed efforts 
of his men, the flames were subdued. 

Having: extino-uished the fire, and erected a tem- 
porary breast-work, the fire of the enemy was re- 
turned with redoubled vigor during the whole night, 
and with such success that, at six o'clock in the morn- 
ing, the Indians gave up the contest in despair, and 



WILLIAM IIKNRY HARRISON. 123 

^vithdrew their forces. In this galhmt defense, Cap- 
tain Taylor lost only two men killed, and two wounded. 
The Indians must have suffered severely : but they 
were in sufficient force to take off all their killed and 
wounded. Soon after, he was reinforced by Colonel 
Russell, with several companies of rangers and Indiana 
volunteers. In consequence of his gallant conduct on 
this occasion, he was promoted to the rank of major. 
Soon after Colonel Russell had relieved Fort Har- 
rison, he undertook an expedition against the Peoria 
towns, and destroyed a populous village, and killed 
twenty Indians. About the same time. Lieutenant 
Campbell marched with a small detachment against 
the towns on the Mississinewa River, a branch of the 
Wabash, which resulted in defeating a body of Indi- 
ans, by whom they were furiously attacked, killing 
fifty of their warriors and taking thirty prisoners. 
They also destroyed several of their villages, in vari- 
ous expeditions of less importance, but in which the 
militia of Indiana, Illinois, and Missouri Territories 
greatly distinguished themselves. During these vari- 
ous expeditions, the Indians had been so harassed, 
and their means of subsistence so effectually cut off, 
that they began seriously to doubt whether they had 
acted wisely in taking up arms against the United 
States, and even to repent having done so. The only 
prospect before them now was to be compelled to re- 
move to distant British settlements. 



124 THE LIFE OF 



CHAPTER VII. 

Though the season had now considerably ad- 
vanced, and the weather had become extremely cold, 
General Harrison did not retire into >Yinter quarters, 
nor abandon any of his vigilance. When the troops 
composing the left wing of the army had completed 
Fort Winchester, they were directed by him, early in 
December, to proceed to the Rapids as soon as pro- 
visions for a few weeks could be provided. And on 
the 12th of the same month, he wrote to the Secre- 
tary of War, that if there were not some important 
political reason urging an immediate attempt to cap- 
ture Maiden, and recover Michigan Territory, he 
would suggest that an effort first be made to obtain 
command of Lake Erie, and that Maiden, Detroit, 
and Mackinaw will then fall into the hands of the 
Americans, almost as a matter of course. The ne- 
cessity of securing the naval ascendancy of Lake 
Erie had been forcibly pointed out to the government 
by him as early as the year 1809. He established 
his head quarters at Upper Sandusky, on the 20th of 
this month. Whilst here, he received a communica- 
tion from Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell, giving him 



AVILLIAM IIKNRV llARRISoX. 125 

utTicial information of the result of his expedition to 
the Mississinnewa River, and iuunediately started for 
Chillicothc to consult with Governor Meigs about 
another expedition against the Indians in the same 
quarter. 

General Harrison's plan of operations for the 
campaign was to occupy the Miami Rapids, and to 
deposit as much provision there as it was possible for 
him to procure, and to move from thence with a choice 
detachment of the army, and with as much provision, 
artillery, and ammunition as the means of transporta- 
tion would allow. His design also was to make a 
demonstration from this point towards Detroit, and 
by a sudden passage of the straits of Detroit upon 
the ice, an actual investiture of Maiden. Should his 
offensive operations be suspended until spring, he 
strongly advised, as the most effectual as well as the 
cheapest plan, Avould be to obtain the command of the 
lake. This being once effected, he believed that every 
difficulty would be removed, and that an army of four 
thousand men landed on the north side of the lake, 
below Maiden, would soon reduce that place, retake 
Detroit, and, with the aid of the fleet, proceed down 
the lake to co-operate with the army from Niagara. 

On General Harrison's arrival at Sandusky, he ex- 
pected to be met by an express from General "Win- 
chester, with information of his advance to the Rapids, 
in conformity with advice that had previously been 
given him. But as no such information had arrived, 
he dispatched Ensign Todd to Winchester's camp, on 
11* 



126 THE LIFE OP 

the Miami, below Fort Defiance. He performed the 
journey with great secrecy and dispatch, having com- 
pletely eluded all the scouts of the enemy. He was 
instructed to communicate to General Winchester the 
following directions and plans from the commander- 
in-chief: that as soon as he had accumulated provi- 
sions for twenty days, to advance to the Rapids, 
where he was to commence the building of huts to in- 
duce the enemy to believe that he was going into win- 
ter quarters there, and to construct sleds for the main 
expedition against Maiden. He was to impress it 
upon his men, however, that they were for transport- 
ing provisions from the interior. The different lines 
of the army were to be concentrated at that place, 
and a choice detachment from the whole would then 
be marched rapidly upon Maiden. In the meantime 
he was to occupy the llapids, for the purpose of se- 
curing the provisions and stores forwarded from the 
other wings of the army. 

A tolerable supply of provisions having been re- 
ceived. General Winchester took up his march for the 
Rapids, and at the same time Leslie Combs, a volun- 
teer in the army, was sent to inform the commander- 
in-chief of the movements. While on his march to 
the Rapids, General Winchester received a dispatch 
from General Harrison, recommending him to aban- 
don the movement to the Rapids and fall back to 
Fort Jennings. The recommendation, however, was 
disregarded, and on the 10th of January the detach- 
ment reached the Rapids. A despatch was sent to 



WILLIAM HENRY IIARRTSON. 127 

the commander-in-chief of tlic arrival of the troops at 
tliat pUice, but was not received by him, in conse- 
quence of various dehiys, until his arrival himself at 
the Rapids. On the 12th another despatch was for- 
warded to General Harrison, advising him that no re- 
liance could be placed on retaining the Kentucky 
troops after the expiration of their term of service in 
February. Tliis was received by the commander-in- 
chief on the 16th, and was the first information he 
had of the arrival of General Winchester at the 
Rapids. 

Information was received by General Winchester, 
on the 13th of January, that the Indians were threat- 
eni]ig an attack upon the settlement on the River 
Raisin, and askiuG; assistance from him. In accord- 
ance with this request. Colonel Lewis was dispatched 
by him on the 17th, at the head of six hundred troops, 
to protect Frenchtown on that river, and at once 
moved down to Presque Isle, a distance of twenty 
miles from the Rapids. Here he received informa- 
tion which should have induced him to request a rein- 
forcement; but, instead of this, he pushed on his 
command to Frenchtown, where he arrived the next 
dav. On the same dav he attacked the combined 

«. a' 

forces of British and Indians, and defeated them with 
great loss, having driven them for two miles at the 
point of the bayonet. 

News of this victory was sent to General Winches- 
ter on the night after the engagement, who at once 
marched to the Rapids, and reached Frenchtown on 



128 THE LIFE OF 

the night of the 20th. He encamped on the right of 
Lewis' detachment, which was defended by some gar- 
den pickets. The reinforcement w^as commanded by 
General Wells. General Winchester himself establish- 
ed his head-quarters at a house on the other side of the 
river, more than half a mile distant from his troops. 
The day after the arrival of Winchester, a spot was 
eelected for the encampment of the army, intending 
to fortify it the next day.* 

No sooner was the news of the defeat of the Brit- 
ish and Indians by Colonel Lewis known at Fort Mai- 
den, a British fort, it will be recollected, near the 
mouth of the Detroit Biver, or straits, in Canada, 
than a large reinforcement was sent from that post, 
and preparations were made for an immediate attack 
upon the Americans. On the 22nd, accordingly, at 
reiville, the attack was commenced by a considerable 
British and Indian force, with six pieces of artillery. 
The troops being completely surprised, and the ground 
unfavorable, had but little opportunity of forming to 
advantage. They were entirely surrounded, and broke 
in twenty or thirty minutes. One major, a captain, 
and twenty or thirty privates, were all that effected 
their escape. 

When General Harrison received information that 
the action had commenced, he was three miles above 
the Bapids, with only three hundred and sixty men. 
He immediately ordered them to march to the relief 
of Winchester, and set out himself and staff to over- 
's^ Sketches of the Life of General Harrison. 



WILLIAM IIEMIY IIAiaMSO.V. 129 

take a detachment of three hundred men tliat liad a 
few hours before started for the Kiver Kuisin. Ha 
overtook them at the distance of six mik's, but before 
the troops that had set out Avith him had come up, ho 
ascertained that Winchester had met with a disastrous 
defeat. It war tlie unanimous opinion of General 
Payne, General Perkins, and the field officers, that 
these two detachments should now return. But a de- 
tachment of one hundred and seventy picked men 
was sent forward, with orders to proceed as far as 
possible, for the purpose of assisting those who were 
so fortunate as to escape. Very few, however, suc- 
ceeded in reaching the American camp, the snow be- 
ing so deep that the fugitives became entirely ex- 
hausted in running a few miles — not more than forty 
or fifty who got a mile from the scene of action, and 
the greater part of them were overtaken and mas- 
sacred. 

Until this disastrous defeat, the American army 
was in a most prosperous condition, the result solely 
of the unfortunate step of marching to the River Rai- 
sin, not only without the authority of the commander- 
in-chief, but in opposition to his views and even his 
express advice. Even if Colonel Lewis had been 
satisfied to return after his defeat of the Indians and 
British, everything would have been well, notwith- 
standing the original error of General Winchester. 
But in resolving to hold Frenchtown, a measure sanc- 
tioned by Winchester, they brought upon their troops 
the fatal calamity which befell them on the 22nd. 



130 



THE LIFE OF 



Everything was done by General Harrison to avert 
the disaster, after he had discovered the false step 
General Winchester had taken, and reinforcements 
were pushed on with all possible rapidity. Major 
Congreve's battalion, the finest body of troops in the 
army, was within fourteen miles of the action, and 
three hundred regular troops were also on their way, 
when they heard of the defeat, leaving him with but 
a single regiment at the Rapids. 

The Britisli troops in this action were commanded 
by the notorious General Proctor, and the savages by 
Round Head and Split Log, two famous chiefs. Their 
forces, united, amounted to about .fifteen hundred, 
while the American numbered only one thousand. 
The American right wing was either cut to pieces or 
surrendered themselves prisoners to the British, un- 
der promise of protection. But the left wing con- 
tinued to fight with desperate courage, and in attempt- 
ing to rally the right. General Winchester and Colo- 
nel Lewis were taken prisoners. They repulsed every 
assault of the enemy with unsurpassed gallantry, 
making dreadful slaughter in his ranks. 

The British commander at length attempted to se- 
cure, by fraud and treachery, what he either could not 
by force of arms, or what must be secured at too great 
a sacrifice. General Winchester was informed by 
Proctor, that unless his men surrendered, they would 
be delivered over to the fm-y of the savages, or at 
least that he would not be responsible for their con- 
duct, and that the village would be burnt. These 



V,'ILLIA"\I HENRY IIARUIfON. 131 

threats, or ratlier the promises of protection made by 
Proctor, induced General Winchester to agree to a 
surrender of his troops us prisoners of war on condi- 
tion of being protected from his savage alUes. It 
was not, however, until these flags of truce had 
passed that the remnant of the little army, then con- 
sisting of thirty-five officers and four hundred and 
fifty non-commissioned officers and men, would con- 
sent to the terms of the surrender*. They did agree 
to the terms of the surrender, after the most solemn 
assurances from Proctor that he would faithfully ad- 
here to all its conditions, and not only protect their 
lives, but respect private property. 

No sooner had they laid down their arms, how- 
ever, than it was discovered that they had been fully 
betrayed by the infamous and blood-thirsty Proctor, 
and that they were to be butchered in cold blood by 
their brutal and savage conquerors. The work of 
scalping and stripping the dead, and of murdering 
the wounded, who had previously fallen into their 
hands, had already commenced. And the barbarous 
outrage was suffered to go on without the least at- 
tempt to restrain it on the part of the infamous Proc- 
tor. Indeed, so far from this being the case, or from 
his exhibiting any inclination to arrest his savage 
fiends in the work of carnage, he seems to have en- 
couraged and advised it ; and when they could find 
no other victims of this class to vent their thirst for 
vengeance and blood upon, they begun to butcher the 

* Breckenridge's Late War. 



a32 the life of 

brave men who had laid down their arms under the 
pledged faith of the British commander. 

He, as well as his equally infamous officers, turned 
a deaf ear to the remonstrances of their now unre- 
sisting and defenceless victims, and they were toma- 
hawked and scalped by dozens and scores. The fcAV 
that survived this first wholesale slaughter were placed 
in the rear of their forces in charge of the Indians, 
to be marched to Maiden. But long before they 
reached that post they, too, were murdered, one by 
one, as they became too weak to walk, either from 
their wounds or exposure to the inclemency of the 
season. Those who were not thus inhumanly but- 
chered were reserved for the more horrible fate of 
being roasted at the stake. 

The night after the- action, from fifty to sixty of 
the prisoners who had been badly wounded, most of 
them officers of distinction, were permitted to take 
shelter with the citizens of Frenchtown, and Proctor's 
surgeons suffered to dress their wounds. They were 
promised, too, a sufficient guard to protect them from 
the scalping knife of the savages. But this was only 
the refinement of cruelty ; no such guard was pro- 
vided. On the contrary, they were probably pointed 
out to the savage hell-hounds, by the infamous wretch 
who employed them for such infernal objects, as easy 
victims of their fiend-like hatred ; and, as has been 
foreseen and designed, they fell upon them the same 
night, plundered them of their clothing and evei-y 
article of value in their possession, murdered the most 



WILLIAM HENRY ITAURISOX. 133 

of tlicm in the most horrible manner, and then set 
fire to the houses, consuming alike the few remaining 
and the bodies of the slain in the flames. 

Infamous as these acts of infernal barbarity were, 
and as eternally infamous as thev must render the 
memory of the blood-thirsty monster who permitted 
them, both were increased, if it were possible to add 
to the cruelty of such acts and the infamy of such a 
monster, by his treatment of the bodies of his slaugh- 
tered victims. It would seem that the innocent blood 
he had shed would have satisfied the most unrelenting 
and sanguinary ; but not so with Proctor ; he even 
refused to permit those rites which every civilized 
country held sacred. The inhuman wretch refused 
to permit the citizens of Frenchtown to bury the bo- 
dies of the murdered soldiers, on pain of death ! 
These bodies were suffered to lie on the ground ex- 
posed to ferocious beasts of prey, or the more hor- 
rible pollution of domestic animals. 

There were many scenes of individual suffering 
which created even a stronger feeling of sorrow for 
this bloody tragedy, and increased the melancholy 
interest felt for its numerous victims. Amongst those 
was the case of Captain Hart, a near relative of 
Henry Clay, an accomplished gentleman and ripe 
scholar, who particularly distinguished himself during 
the action. Upon being surrendered, he was recog- 
nized by Colonel Elliot, who was a citizen of the 
United States, with whom he had been a class-mate 
at Princeton, but who had become an officer in the 
12 



-131 THE LIFE OF 

British armj, and an ally of the savages. Elliot 
voluntarily offered his old friend his protection, but 
subsequently either changed his mind or was forbid- 
den to keep his promise by the savage Proctor, for he 
gave himself no further concern in regard to Captain 
Hart. The next day a party of savages came into 
his room and tore him from his bed. He was taken 
to another room by some brother officers, when he was 
again subjected to the same barbarity. By the offer 
of a large sum of money, he induced some Indians to 
take him to Maiden ; but when they had proceeded a 
short distance, he was dragged from his horse, shot 
and scalped. The same tragedy was enacted respect- 
ively in the case of Colonel Allen, Captains Hick- 
man, Woolfolk and M'Cracken; also, Mr. Simpson, a 
member of Congress from Kentucky, and Captains 
Bledsoe, Watson, Hamilton, Williams and Kelly, and 
Majors Madison and Ballard, from the same State, 
were amongst the victims."^ 

Becoming restless under the load of infamy which 
his conduct had brought upon him, Proctor sought to 
wipe out some little portion of the stigma by offerino* 
the very few prisoners who had escaped the Indian 
tomahawk, for sale, instead of permitting them to be 
murdered; and in pursuance of this impulse of hu- 
manity, prisoners of the highest respectability were 
literally hawked about the streets of Detroit like 
beasts of prey, by their captors, in search of pur- 
chasers. The conduct of the people of Detroit, in re- 

* Brackenridge's History of the Late War. 



WILLIAM HENRY ILVRRIFON. 135 

gavd to those luifortunatc prisoners, was of the most 
humane and noble character. Many of them parted 
with everything in their possession to procure means 
for purchasing them, and all vied with each other in 
acts of benevolence, women takinir the lead in the 

f, good work. They gladly gave their shawls, and even 
the blankets from their beds, when nothing else was 

'i left them to give.* But these horrible details need 
not be pursued farther. The voice of the civilized 
world has assigned to the principal actors in the bar- 
barities, that have been but faintly portrayed above, 
a depth of degradation from which no length of time 
and no power of sophistry can rescue them, and their 
crimes have been so indelibly stamped upon the his- 
tory of the times, that no effort can erase the damn- 
ing stain. 

In pursuance with the unanimous advice of his 
general and field officers, upon hearing Winchester's 
defeat, General Harrison fell back to the Rapids, and 
immediately set about constructing a fort, which, in 
honor of Governor Meigs, of Ohio, for his patriotic 
efforts in behalf of the American army, he named 
Fort Meigs. Fortifications were also constructed at 
Upper Sandusky, by General Crooks, who commanded 
the Pennsylvania militia. Excepting some other par- 
tizan excursions of little moment, the first campaign 
may be considered as having ended. The movements 
of General Winchester and his overwhelming defeat 
had so entirely deranged all his plans, that it was 

■**■ Brackenridge's Histox'y of the Late War. 



136 THE LIFE OF 

necessary to organize a new system, and make new 
preparations for the approaching campaign. He ac- 
cordingly returned to Ohio for the purpose of obtain- 
ing reinforcements from that State and Kentucky.* 

General Harrison had continued to flatter himself 
with the hope that he might find an opportunity dur- 
ing the winter to carry into execution his long-cher- 
ished enterprise of attacking Fort Maiden. The bar- 
barities of Proctor had stimulated his desire, as well 
as that of his troops, to get possession of that post. 
For this purpose he had ordered up all his troops in 
the rear, except such as were necessary to maintain 
the forts on the Auglaize and the St. Mary's. He 
had intended to advance against Maiden by the 15th 
of February, disperse the Indians, destroy the ship- 
ping, and establish a post near Brownstown, and re- 
main there until the weather should become suffi- 
ciently cold to freeze the lakes and swamps, so as to 
permit the artillery to be brought up. It continued 
so rainy, however, a.nd the period for which the Ken- 
tucky and Ohio troops had engaged to serve being 
about to expire, he was reluctantly compelled to 
abandon for the season his contemplated attack upon 
Maiden. All further thoughts were now abandoned 
by the commander-in-chief of continuing a campaign 
which had virtually ended with the defeat of Win- 
chester. 

* Brackenridge's Late War. 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 137 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Before following General Harrison into the next 
campaign, a hasty glance will be taken at events that 
had in the meantime transpired upon other portions 
of the theatre of war. A short time preceding the 
declaration of war, William Hull, then governor of 
the Territory of Michigan, a revolutionary officer of 
distinction, and then recently appointed a brigadier- 
general in the regular army, was placed in command 
jof twelve hundred Ohio volunteers, a regiment of 
United States infantry, and some detachments of 
other reiriments, Avith which he arrived at Detroit on 
the 5th of July, 1812. Before taking the command, 
he had received discretionary power to act offensively 
in case of war. lie therefore determined on an inva- 
sion of Canada, and great preparations were made for 
the enterprise, and on the 12th of July the main body 
of the army crossed into Canada. General Hull issued 
a proclamation to the inhabitants, which induced a con- 
siderable number of them to join the American stand- 
ard, and favorably inclined the most of them towards 
the Americans. 

Immediately after the army entered Canada, an 
expedition was sent out under Colonel M'Arthur, 
12* 



138 THE LIFE OF 

with the view of reconnoitering the country, and on 
the 16th another, for the same purpose, under Colonel 
Cass. Both these enterprises were highly successful, 
and proved that, had the army of invasion been en- 
trusted to a bold, skilful and patriotic officer, it would 
most certainly have succeeded in subduing to our 
arms the whole of Lower Canada. Maiden, situated 
at the junction of Detroit River with Lake Erie, and 
then the key to that province, might have been re- 
duced with scarcely an effort. But General Hull 
remained comparatively idle at Sandwich, and the 
favorable opportunity for striking a blow that would 
have ended the war in that quarter permitted to pass 
unimproved. While waiting here for cannon in order 
to attack Maiden, news was received that Mackinac 
had been surprised and taken by the British on the 
17th of July, the garrison, through the criminal 
neglect of Hull, not even having been advised of the 
declaration of war. By the fall of this important 
post, the British were enabled to collect such a force 
at Maiden as put it out of the power of an army, un- 
der such a leader as Hull, to accomplish anything 
against it. He accordingly abandoned Canada, with 
the exception of a small detachment left to protect 
the inhabitants who had taken up arms for the Amer- 
icans, and arrived at Detroit, where he had deter- 
jnined to concentrate his force, on the 8th of August. 
The evacuation of Canada, after so prosperous a 
parade, without accomplishing anything of real ad- 
vantage to our arms, created not only loud murmurs 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 139 

"^! against General Hull, but even suspicion of treachery. 

^'! After his arrival at Detroit, two attempts were made 
to open a communication Avith the River Raisin — one 
by Colonel ^Tiller with six hundred men, and another 
by Colonels M'Arthur and Cass at the head of three 
hundred men. Colonel Miller met and was attacked 
by a superior body of British and Indians. He, how- 
ever, defeated them, after a severe engagement, with 
great loss ; but he was compelled to return to Detroit, 
in consequence of the great fatigue his troops suffered 
durins: the action. The other detachment set off on 
the 14th of August, six days after Colonel Miller. 

The day following the departure of Colonels Cass 
and M'Arthur, General Brock, the British commander, 
dispatched two officers wdth a flag of truce, from 
Sandwich, demanding of Hull the immediate sur- 
render of Detroit, as the only means of preventing a 
general massacre by the Indians in his army. Hull 
replied that he was prepared to meet any force that 
could be sent against him, and was prepared to abide 
the consequence. On the return of the flag, the 
British opened a brisk fire from their batteries at 
Sandwich, which was as vigorously returned by the 
Americans. The firing was kept up till ten o'clock 
at night, and resumed early the next morning. 

During the night the British ships of war had 
moved up the river in order to protect the landing of 
the troops. About ten o'clock on the morning of the 
16th of August, accordingly, the landing was effected, 
and immediately they advanced upon the fort. The 



140 THE LIFE OP 

American forces had, in the meantime, been judi- 
ciously posted, and had placed several pieces of can- 
non so advantageously as to command the approach 
of the enemy and sweep the whole of his line as he 
advanced. The enemy, however, fearlessly advanced, 
and all was anxiety amongst the American army, ex- 
pecting every moment that the fire would commence, 
when General Hull, to the mortification, amazement 
and indignation of his whole army, ordered a whig 
flag to be hoisted and the firing to be suspended. The 
firing from the British side also was immediately sus- 
pended. A treaty wt*,s at once entered into, and 
terms of capitulation agreed to by Hull, by which the 
whole territory, with all the American forts, and De- 
troit, with all the American troops, public stores, and 
everything else of a public nature, as well as the de- 
tachment under Colonels M'Arthur and Cass, w^ho 
were absent, were surrendered to the British. By 
this shameful surrender, twenty-five pieces of iron and 
eight pieces of brass ordinance, the latter taken from 
Burgoyne, just thirty-five years before, fell into the 
hands of the British, also twenty-five hundred mus- 
kets and rifles, and a large quantity of ammunition. 
General Hull was tried by a court-martial on a charge 
of treason, imbecility and cowardice. He was vir- 
tually acquitted of treason, and sentenced to be shot 
on the other charges, though he was recommended to 
mercy in consideration of his revolutionary services. 
The sentence was remitted by the President, but his 
name stricken from the rolls of the army. 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 141 

This event, so dIp<Traccfiil to our arms, and so 
mortifying to our national })ri(le, was received "witli 
one burst of indignation throughout the whole Union, 
and an army at once sprung up at the West, almost 
as if by magic, determined to avenge their lost friends 
and retrieve their tarnished honor. This army, as 
has been seen, was placed under the command of 
Governor Harrison. 

The American forces on the frontier were sta- 
tioned at Plattsburgh, under General Bloomlidd ; at 
Buffalo under General Smith, and at Sacket's Har- 
bor and Black Rock and Ogdensburgh — the whole 
being under the command of General Dearborn. The 
militia of the State of New York, under General Van 
Rensselaer, amounting to three thousand five hundred, 
were stationed at Lcwistown. Owins: to an armistice 
that had been entered into between General Dearborn 
and Sir George Provost, it was late in the season be- 
fore any movement of importance was made by either 
commander. The time was therefore employed by 
the American officers in drilling and disciplining their 
troops and in preparing for active service. 

As the season for military operations was now so 
far advanced that the militia began to display great 
impatience and anxiety to be led against the enemy. 
General Van Rensselaer, therefore, determined to 
make an attack upon Queenstown, a British post, situ- 
ate on the Canada side of the Niagara River, directly 
opposite his quarters at Lewistown. The attempt 
was to be made on the 13th of October. The troops 



142 



THE LIFE OF 



were to cross over in two divisions, one under the 
command of Colonel Solomon Van Rensselaer, and 
the other under Lieutenant Colonel Chrystie; but, 
owing to a deficiency of boats, only a portion of 
each detachment could pass over; and even such as 
could be procured did not all reach the opposite side. 
The attack, however, was immediately commenced by 
the troops who succeeded in landing, and the enemy 
gradually gained ground in front of Colonel Van 
Rensselaer. He, as well as Colonel Fenwick, had 
both been so severely wounded as to be compelled to 
quit the field. Each company now fought on his own 
responsibility, there being no one entitled to com- 
mand. The enemy, however, were soon driven from 
the great height, called the "mountain," having pre- 
viously carried a battery in their ascent. The enemy 
fled precipitately to Queenstown, where they were 
met and rallied by General Brock. He instantly led 
them to the charge, but when at the distance of an 
hundred paces, fell mortally wounded. His troops 
were again dispersed. 

At this moment Lieutenant Colonel Winfield Scott 
arrived on the heights, having been ordered over to 
take the command of the whole force. General 
Wadsworth claimed to command the militia, however, 
and he was therefore only permitted to command the 
regular troops, only about two hundred and thirty in 
all. But with this small force he made prompt ar- 
rangements for meeting the enemy. With the assist- 
ance of Captain Totten, of the engineers, Colonel 



WILLIAM ilLMlV nAUULON. 148 

Scott drew u[) Ills iiicn in tlie must jiulicious manner. 
Jllis position was the strongest that coiihl l)e chosen, 
•nd so selected, that he couUl protect the boats as they 
landed from the other side with additional troops, and 
also reeeive llie enemy at the best advantage. 

The firinsi" in the morning had attracted the atten- 
tion of the British garrison at Fort George and the 
Indians coUeeted there. The Indians, amounting to 
four hundred strong, arrived first at the scene of ac- 
tion, and a sharp eonlliet at once ensued. Colonel 
Scoit received the enemy with his regulars in gallant 
stvle, and routed them with considerable loss. He 
pursued them as far as the main design of protecting 
the landing of troops would permit, and then resumed 
his position. On account of their great superiority, 
the enemy was induced to renew the attack. He 
drove in the pickets and forced his way into the 
midst of the American camp. All was now confu- 
sion. Defeat and massacre seemed almost inevitable. 
At this critical moment, Colonel Scott, who had been 
everywhere in the thickest of the fight, stimulating 
his men by his presence and example, by great exer- 
tions brought the retreating line to stand to face the 
enemy. They at once caught the spirit of their brave 
and chivalrous leader. With a burst of enthusiasm, 
as sudden as the panic of the moment before, the line 
charged upon their pursuers with such impetuous zeal, 
and the movement was so instantaneous with all, that 
the enemy at once broke and fled in confusion, leaving 
a considerable number of dead and wounded on the 



144 THE LIFE OF 

field. They were pursued a considerable distance. 
In these affairs the militia, with individual exceptions, 
behaved very badly, and indeed with little else than 
cowardice.* 

Having been so frequently defeated by a greatly 
inferior force, the Indians and light troops were re- 
solved to await the arrival of the garrison from Fort 
George, already in sight, and amounting to nearly 
nine hundred strong, under general Sheaffe. Informa- 
tion was at the same time brought to Colonel Scott that 
no aid was to be expected from Lewistown. General 
Van Rensselaer had done everything in his power to 
induce the militia to go to the assistance of their gal- 
lant countrymen on the other side. But the sight of 
General Sheaffe's reinforcement excited in their minds 
the liveliest constitutional scruples. Nothing could 
induce them to relinquish their constitutional rights 
by setting their feet on foreign soil. The sight of 
their countrymen being cut down, one after another, 
for want of the aid they had the power to give them, 
had no other influence than to strengthen their deter- 
mination not to hazard their own lives. 

It was now discovered that retreat was as impos- 
sible as succor was hopeless, as the boats were all on 
the American side. The gallant Scott, therefore, and 
his brave little army, resolved to receive the enemy 
on the ground they occupied, and that if any of them 
survived it would be time enough to surrender. The 
British general approached to the attack with great 

* Frost's Book of the Army. 



■WILLIAM HENRY. IIARRTFOX. 145 

caution, finding that such an enemy as he had to meet 
■were not to be easily subdued, even by a force tlirec 
times as large. He feared, too, that the small body 
he saw in view of American troops were only a small 
part of the army he had to encounter, and designed 
to decoy him to iiis ruin. At length, however, the 
conllict commenced. The action was sharp, bloody 
and desperate, and continued for nearly half an hour. 
The Americans being nearly surrounded on every 
side, and finding longer resistance against such fearful 
odds little else than madness, surrendered prisoners 
of war. 

Through this whole engagement, in each of the 
fierce contests ■svith the enemy. Colonel Scott fought 
with desperate bravery, though he acted -with the 
coolness and discretion of a veteran. He exposed 
his person in the most fearless manner in every quar- 
ter where the fire was the thickest and the danger 
the greatest. Being in full uniform, his remarkably 
tall and commanding person was observable towering 
far above all others, and was singled out as a mark 
by the enemy's sharp shooters. He was advised by a 
brother officer to throw aside his uniform, or cover it 
so as to escape observation. "No," said he, smiling, 
"I will die in my robes." Captain Lawrence fell by 
his side, dangerously wounded, immediately after. 
When the action was over and the Americans had 
surrendered themselves prisoners of war, an Indian 
came up to Colonel Scott, and, attentively surveying 
him, said, '" Sair, you are not born to be shot — so 
13 



146 THE LIFE OF 

many times — (holding up all the fingers of both hands, 
to indicate ten) — so many times have I leveled and 
fired my rifle at you." From Queensto^n Colonel 
Scott was sent to Quebec. In about a month after 
he embarked for Boston, and was exchanged in the 
following January. 

In the engagement the Americans, especially the 
regulars who were actually in the battle, acted with a 
gallantry that reflected the highest credit on them- 
selves and on their country. But for the cowardice 
of the militia in refusing to cross the river, the result 
would have been quite diff'erent. The most of them 
who did participate in the action behaved with great 
coolness and bravery. The loss of the Americans in 
the battle was believed to be full one thousand in 
killed, wounded and prisoners. The loss of the Brit- 
ish is not known, though it must have been very con- 
siderable, as they were twice repulsed. 

Soon after the battle of Queenstown, General Van 
Rensselaer resigned his commission, and General 
Smith was appointed to succeed him in his command. 
Another invasion was projected by General Smith, 
and great promises made to the "men of New York." 
If they would come to his standard in his contem- 
plated invasion of Canada, they were assured that they 
should have an opportunity not only to cover them- 
selves with glory and renown, but of retrieving the 
tarnished honor of the country, which he believed to 
have been very seriously wounded by the previous 
failure under his predecessor. After a largo number 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 1:7 

of volunteers had been collected by these briglit 
visions of fame and fortune, and the most imposin"" 
preparations made for the conquest of Canada, the 
troops having been twice actu;illy embarked in the 
boats for the great enterprise, the whole magnificent 
expedition was suddenly abandoned, the troops or- 
dered to be wiihdrawn from the boats and to tro into 
winter quarters. This enterprise, terminating thus 
unfortunately to the country, and dishonorably to a 
portion of the militia and to General Smith, ended 
the operations of the "Army of the Centre," as the 
battle of Queenstown begun them, to the equal dis- 
honor of another portion of the militia, though to the 
everlasting renown of Colonel Scott and the officers 
and men under his command. Two years after, the 
same gallant officer, on the same field of battle, added 
new laurels to his own fame, and did much to wipe 
out whatever of disgrace to their country there was 
in his previous defeat. 

AVhile many of our operations by land during the 
first campaign brought but little honor and less ad- 
vantage to the nation, our naval exploits can be 
pointed to with pride and exultation by every patri- 
otic American. Our victories at sea, while they did 
much to inspire confidence and hope at home amongst 
ourselves, also did more to humble the pride, if not 
to destroy the confidence, of our haughty enemy, in 
their boasted invincibility in what they claimed as 
their native element. The capture of the frigate 
" Guerriere," one of the finest vessels in the British 



148 THE LIFE OF 

navy, by the '' Constitution," Commodore Hall, after 
an action of only thirty minutes, was probably the 
severest blow to the national vanity of England that 
she had ever received, either on land or by sea. It 
is doubtful whether even her overwhelming defeat at 
New Orleans, at a subsequent period, produced so 
deep a feeling of mortification as the capture of one 
of their favorite frigates. This was more particularly 
the case, as the " Guerriere" had been sent out to re- 
venge the insult to the "Little Belt." This action 
took place on the 19th of September, 1812. The 
" Guerriere" was so much shattered, that a few broad- 
sides must have sunk her, and it was impossible to 
carry her into port : she was therefore blown up the 
day after the action. Her loss was fifteen killed and 
sixty- three w^ounded ; while the " Constitution" had 
only seven killed and seven wounded. The joy which 
this brilliant achievement produced throughout the 
United States was only equalled by the depression 
and chagrin produced by the. same result in England.* 

* The following account of the capture of the " Guerriere," 
■which was communicated to the New York Evening Post by an 
American gentleman who was a prisoner on board that vessel dur- 
ing the action, Avill be found to be excitingly interesting, and to 
deserve a place amongst the historical records of the country : — 

Having been an American prisoner on board the " Guerriere," 
during the famous battle between that frigate and the United 
States frigate *' Constitvition," I propose giving you an account of 
that important action which took place in June, 1812. 

About two weeks previous to the engagement, I left Boston in 
an American ship, which was captured by the "Guerriere" some 
five days before she fell in with the " Constitution." 



WILLIAM HKNJIV HARUI:<ON. 149 

Almost immediately after this victory of the " Con- 
stitution," news was received of the capture of tlio 

It wns about ten o'clock in tlie morning when the ** Constitu- 
tion" -wns discovered. The *' Gucrriere" hove to, to enable her to 
come up. As the "Constitution" neared us, Captain Dacres 
handed me his glass, and asked wliat I took her to bo. My reply 
was, "She looks like a frigate." Very soon she came within 
reach of the long guns of the " Guerriere," which were ffred, but 
with no effect, as the sea ran high. The " Constitution" made no 
reply, but, as I saw, was manoeuvring for a position, during which 
Captain Dacres said to me, " Do you think she is going to strike 
■without firing? " I replied, " I think not. Sir." 

At this moment, seeing a severe contest was about commenc- 
ing, in which I could take no part, being only a prisoner, I raised 
my hat to Captain Dacres, and said to him — " With your permis- 
sion, sir, I will go below, as I can take no part." " certainly," 
said he, " and you had better go into the cock-pit; and should any 
of our men chance to get wounded, I shall feel obliged if you will 
assist the siirgeons in dressing them. "Certainly, sir," said I, 
and then descended into the cock-pit. There were the surgeons, 
and surgeons' mates, and attendants, sitting round a long table, 
covered with instruments and all necessaries for dressing the 
wounded, as still as a funeral. Within one moment after my foot 
left the lower round of the ladder, the " Constitution" gave that 
double broadside, which threw all in the cock-pit over in a heap 
on the opposite side of the ship. 

For a moment it appeared as if heaven and earth had struck 
together ; a more terrific shock cannot be imagined. Before those 
in the cock-pit had adjusted themselves, the blood run down from 
the deck as freely as if a wash-tub full had been turned over, and 
instantly the dead, wounded, and dying, were handed down as 
rapidly as men could pass them, till the cock-pit was filled, with 
hardly room for the surgeons to work. Midshipmen were handed 
down with one leg, some with one arm, and others wounded in 
almost every shape and condition. An officer, who was on the 
table having his arm amputated, would sing out to a comrade 

13* 



' 150 THE LIFE OP 

British sloop of war, "Alert," by Commodore Porter, 
of the "Essex." Following fast upon the heels of 

coming down -wounded — "Well, shipmate, how goes the battle?" 
another would uttei' some joke, that would make even the dying 
smile ; and so constant and freely were the playful remarks from 
the maimed and even dying, that I almost doubted my X)wn senses. 
Indeed, all this was crowded into a space of not over fifteen or 
twenty minutes before the firing ceased. I then went upon deck, 
and what a scene was presented, and how changed in so short a 
time. 

The "Constitution" looked perfectly fresh ; and even at this 
time, those on board the "Guerriere" did not know what ship 
had fought them. On the other hand, the "Guerriere" was a 
mere rolling log, almost entirely at the mercy of the sea. Her 
colors all shot away, her main-mast and mizen-mast both gone by 
the board, and her fore-mast standing by the mere honey-comb 
the shot had made. Captain Dacres stood, with his officers, sur- 
veying the scene — all, all in the most perfect astonishment. At 
this moment, a boat was seen putting off from the hostile ship for 
the " Guerriere." As soon as within speaking distance, a young 
gentleman (Midshipman Reed, now Commodore Reed) hailed and 
said — " I wish to see the officer in command of the ship." At this, 
Captain Dacres stepped forward, and answered. Midshipman 
Reed then said — "Commodore Hull's compliments, and wishes to 
know if you have struck your flag?" At this. Captain Dacres 
appeared amazed, but recovering himself, and looking up and 
down, he deliberately replied, " Well, I don't know — our mizzen- 
mast is gone, our main-mast is gone — and, upon the whole, you 
may say we have struck our flag ! " 

"Commodore Hull's compliments, and wishes to know if you 
need the assistance of a surgeon or surgeon's mate ? " Captain 
Dacres replied : " Well, I should suppose you had on board your 
own ship business enough for all your medical officers." Midship- 
man Reed replied, " 0, no, we have only seven wounded, and they 
were dressed half an hour ago." 

Captain Dacres then turned to me, deeply aflfected, and said, 



"^'ILLIAM HENRY IlARniSON. 151 

tills victory, followed those of the "United States" 
over the "Macedonian," and of the "Wasp" over 

•' How have our situations been suddenly reversed? You are now 
free, and I a prisoner." 

All the boats of both ships were now put in requisition to re- 
move tlie wounded on board the " Constitution ;" so dreadful was 
the condition of many of them that two days were nearly con- 
sumed in the removal, after which the "Guerriere" was burned, 
with all her stores, armament, &c. The "Constitution," having 
recently come out of port, had no room to take scarcely an article. 

'Who can imagine the joy I experienced in finding myself again 
under American colors — or the pride I felt at finding, from Com- 
modore Hull down to the most humble man on board, an entire 
absence of everything like a boastful or even a triumphant look at 
their wonderful victory. Captain Dacres kept his state-room till 
we arrived in port. About two hundred of his men were neces- 
sarily ironed, as the ship was so crowded. Charles Morris (now 
Commodore), the first oflBccr of the "Constitution," had a ball 
through his body, and for several days his recovery was doubtful 
—during which he sent for me to come to his room ; and I well 
remember his perfect unconcern for himself, although the surgeon 
had apprised him of liis danger. Every courtesy and kindness 
was by Captain Hull and his officers extended to their prisoners. 

On Sunday, about noon, the " Constitution" arrived in Bosston 
harbor. I was sent on shore in the boat. The harbor between 
the ship and wharves was now covered with boats to learn the 
news. To the first boat that we neared we hailed, " The * Consti- 
tution' has captured the ' Guerriere.' " Instantly, the two men in 
the boat took off their hats, and violently struck them on the side 
of the boat, and rising, gave cheer upon cheer. They hailed other 
boats, and thus the air was rent with cheers, and the victory 
passed along until it raached the wharf, and then spread like wild- 
fire all over the city and country. 

It is now nearly forty years since the transaction of that day 
proved to the Americans that British frigates were not invincible. 
"Who can remember that day without feeling a glow of pride, that 



152 THE LIFE OF 

the British brig "Frolic," the first of which took 
pLace on the 25th of October, and the other on the 
20th of the same month. When the "Frolic" sur- 
rendered, she had but four of her crew alive on deck. 
She had thirty-eight killed and fifty wounded. On 
board the "Wasp" there were but five killed and five 
wounded. This was the most decisive action fought 
during the war, and was more fatal to the enemy in 
proportion to the number engaged. On board the 
"Macedonian" there were thirty-six killed and sixty- 
eight wounded, while the "United States" lost but 
five in killed and seven wounded. In addition to 
these victories, so mortifying to British arrogance, 
they had to submit to another quite as humiliating to 
their pride. This was the capture of the British 
frigate "Java" by the "Constitution," Commodore 
Bainbridge, on the 29th of December. The "Java" 
carried forty-nine guns, and had on board, when cap- 
tured, four hundred soldiers and one hundred seamen, 
whom she was carrying out to the East Indies. She 
had on board, also, despatches of an important char- 
acter for St. Helena, the Cape of Good Hope, and for 
their different establishments in the East Indies and 

so early in the war, and in a manner so unpretending, a victory 
so perfect sliould have been achieved ! I write this statement 
without notes, but believe it to be, in the main, accurate. 

In justice to Captain Dacres, I add, that there was none of 
the boasting on his part, before the action, which has to him been 
attributed, as he did not know the ship till Midshipman Reed an- 
nounced her name and commander. 

0. W. 



WILLTAM II EN II Y lIAUrj.oN. Iu3 

China, besides the Govcrnur oi" J>unibay, and a large 
number of officers, civil, military and naval. The 
"Constitution" had nine men killed and twenty-five 
T\-ounded. The kille<l on board the "Java" were 
sixty, and one hundred and twenty wounded. The 
capture of the "Java" was of little if of any less im- 
portance than the capture of the "Guerriere," by the 
same ship. The conduct of all the officers of the 
"Constitution" towards their prisoners was as remark- 
able for its humanity and courtesy as it had been 
during the action for courage and good conduct, and 
they received the public acknowledgments of the Gov- 
ernor of Bombay, Lieutenant General Ilalsop, upon 
their arrival at St. Salvador. 

The exploits of some of the American privateers 
were little less humiliating to British pride, and grati- 
fying to the American people, than those of our legit- 
imate naval ships. One of the first to sail w^as the 
"Atla.^," commanded by Captain Moffat, who on the 
3rd of AuEjust fell in with two armed ships, and, after 
a severe action, captured them both. The " Dolphin," 
Captain Endicot, in the course of a few weeks, cap- 
tured fifteen ships of the enemy, but had the mortifi- 
cation to be captured herself by an English squadron. 
The^achievements of Commodore Barney, who sailed 
from Baltimore, carried destruction throughout the 
British merchant trade, and did more injury to her 
commerce than it had received for years before from 
' French cruisers. These repeated disasters carried 
consternation throuo;hout the British nation, as ou.* 



154 THE LIFE or 

privateers had throughout her commerce. Its signi- 
fication was more terrible to England than the defeat 
of her ships of war or the ruin to her trade, for it told 
her that omnipotence upon the seas was about to be 
destroyed. 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 155 



CHAPTER IX. 

It has already been stated that, after the termina- 
tion of the campaign, General Harrison had gone to 
Cincinnati for the purpose of procuring a reinforce- 
ment from that State and Kentucky. Early in the 
spring, -svhile prosecuting this object, he received in- 
formation that the British were making extensive 
preparations and concentrating a large force of regu- 
lar soldiers, Canadians and Indians, for the purpose 
of laying siege to Fort Meigs. In consequence of 
this intelligence, he immediately returned to that post 
and commenced the most energetic and judicious ar- 
rangements to be prepared for the threatened attack. 

As the new levies had not arrived, the Pennsylva- 
nia brigade, although its term of service had expired, 
generously volunteered for the defence of Fort Meigs. 
His arrival had inspired the troops with fresh confi- 
dence, and strong hopes were rekindled in all hearts 
that an opportunity would soon be presented them, 
not only of avenging their murdered countrymen at 
the River Raisin, but vindicating the honor and es- 
tablishing the supremacy of the American arms, 

Fort }=Ieigs was situated on a rising grpund, a few 



156 THE LIFE OF 

hundred yards from the river, on both sides of which 
the country was chiefly natural meadows.* The gar- 
rison was amply supplied with the means of defence, 
and Harrison labored night and day to improve its 
capacity for resisting the anticipated attack. With 
the assistance of Captains Wood and Gratiot, his 
principal engineers, his fortifications were so improved 
and strengthened, that he felt confident of being able 
successfully to resist any force that could be brought 
against him. The troops in the fort were in excellent 
spirits, and determined to defend themselves to the 
last. 

On the 28th of April, one of the parties of obser- 
vation, that w^as constantly kept out for the purpose of 
discovering the advance of the enemy, returned with 
information that the enemy were in great force only 
about three miles distant. Shortly after a few Brit- 
ish and Indians made their appearance on the oppo- 
site side of the river, but a few shots from an eighteen 
pounder soon compelled them to disperse. 

General Harrison now determined to dispatch an 
express to General Cla}^, commanding the Kentucky 
reinforcements, amounting to twelve hundred militia, 
to hasten his march. For the discharge of this dan- 
gerous and responsible duty, requiring an intimate 
knowledge of the country and great intrepidity and 
firmness, he selected Captain William Oliver. These 
qualities he possessed in an eminent degree. He was 
accompanied by one Indian and one white man, and 

* Brackenridge. 



WILLIAM HENRY IIARRISOrV. 157 

performed the liazardous duty assigned him with sig- 
nal success, having found him at Fort Winchester, 
and urged upon him the importance of forwarding the 
reinforcement witli all possible (lispatch. 

For three days after the enemy was first discov- 
ered in the viciniiy of the fort, he was occupied in se- 
lecting a suitable position for erecting his batteries, 
from whence he might the more successfully annoy it. 
Their labors were greatly impeded, however, by the 
brisk fire that was kept up upon them by General 
Harrison during the day. On the first of May they 
had succeeded in mounting their batteries, and they im- 
mediately commenced a heavy fire upon the fort from 
several of their guns. No material injury, however, 
was done on either side, though General Harrison made 
a narrow escape, a ball having struck a bench on 
which he was sitting. On the following morning, af- 
ter the fort had been fully invested, the commander- 
in-chief issued a general order to his troops, appealing 
to their patriotism in the most eloquent terms, lie 
closed by saying, — " Can the citizens of a free coun- 
try, who have taken up arms to defend its rights, 
think of submitting to an army composed of merce- 
nary soldiers, reluctant Canadians, goaded to the 
field by the bayonet, and of wretched naked savages? 
Can the breast of an American soldier, when he casts 
his eyes to the opposite shore, the scene of his coun- 
try's triumphs over the savage foe, be influenced by 
any other feelings than those of glory ? Is not this 
army composed of the same materials with that which 
14 



158 THE LIFE OF 

fought and conquered under the immortal Wayne? 
Yes, fellow-soldiers, jour general sees your counten- 
ances beam with the same fire that he witnessed on 
that glorious occasion; and although it would be the 
height of presumption to compare himself to that 
hero, he boasts of being that hero's pupil. To your 
posts, then, fellow-soldiers, and remember that the 
eyes of your country are upon you." 

By the time the enemy were prepared to open their 
batteries upon the fort, the American troops had com- 
pleted a grand tower, about twelve feet high, upon a 
base of twenty feet, three hundred yards long, on the 
most elevated ground, through the middle of the camp, 
calculated to ward off the shot from the enemy's bat- 
teries. Orders were given for all the tents in front 
to be instantly moved into the rear, which was effected 
in a few moments. The enemy's efforts, therefore, to 
bombard and cannonade the American lines was en- 
tirely thwarted, and all their immense labor in erect- 
ing their batteries was rendered useless. The em- 
bankment of earth behind which our troops now re- 
tired entirely obscured the whole army, while it served 
as a perfect protection against the British fire. Not 
a tent nor a soldier was to be seen; but, notwith- 
standing the futility of the attempt. Proctor still kept 
up a tremendous fire upon the fort, and continued it 
for five days, at great expense of powder and ball, 
but little injury to the American troops, only one man 
being killed and four wounded during the whole time. 

On the 3rd of May, Proctor sent a flag to the fort 



WILLIAM HENRY IIARRTRON. 159 

bv ^r.-ijor Cliambcr?, anrl very coolly Piimmoncd Gen- 
eral Harrison to surrender. Chambers assured liim 
that the frreat anxiety of the British commander, in 
tlius sunnnoning him to surrender, -was to spare the 
effusion of human blood ! and that his force was so 
numerous, that it would be impossible to withstand it. 
He also assured him that, unless the Americans at 
once surrendered at discretion, and throw themselves 
upon the tender mercies of the author of the but- 
cheries at the River Raisin, they might expect to be 
indiscriminately massacred in cold blood. 

As might have been expected, from the character 
for courage and gallantry which General Harrison 
had acquired and so well sustained, this insolent sum- 
mons was treated with the contempt anything from 
the infamous Proctor so well deserved. He, as well 
as every officer and soldier under his command, pre- 
ferred instant death to the ignominy of surrendering 
to such a monster, even if they had any faith in his 
promises of protection. But they had none. He 
had already forfeited his honor, as well as all 
claims to the respect of mankind, for his infamous 
barbarities. To look for mercy at the hands of a 
man who had thus outraged every principle of truth 
and every feeling of humanity, required a degree of 
credulity that his conduct had not inspired in General 
Harrison. 

He expressed his surprise at the demand, espe- 
cially under the circumstances in which it was made, 
looking upon it as an intentional insult on the part of 



160 THE LIFE OF 

Proctor. This, however, Major Chambers disclahned 
in behalf of the British commander, but intimated to 
him at the same time that he was in sufficient force to 
compel his demand. To this General Harrison re- 
plied, that he believed he had very correct informa- 
tion as to Proctor's force, and that it was not such as 
to create the least apprehension for the result of the 
contest, whatever shape he might thereafter be pleased 
to give to it. He desired Major Chambers to assure 
him, however, that the fort would never be sur- 
rendered to him, and that should it fall into his hands, 
it would be in a manner calculated to do him more 
honor and to give him a larger claim upon the grati- 
tude of his government than any capitulation could 
possibly do. 

Finding how little he had to hope, either from his 
threats or from the force of his arms, the siege was 
renewed with redoubled vigor, and the firing was 
kept up on both sides with great energy. The savages 
even mounted into the tops of trees with the object 
of firing down into the fort, and by this means suc- 
ceeded in killing and wounding several men. General 
Harrison now began to feel the most anxious solici- 
tude to receive intelligence of the approach of Gen- 
eral Clay, to whom, it will be recollected, he had 
some days before dispatched a special express for the 
purpose of urging him to forward the Kentucky vol- 
unteers with all possible speed. But his anxiety was 
soon to be relieved, for late in the night of the 4th 
of May, a small party under Major Trimble and Cap- 



"WILLIAM IlENUY IIAUKISON. 101 

tain Oliver, readied the fort, with the gratifying in- 
formation that General Clay was but a few miles 
above the Kapitls, ^vith a considerable reinforcement. 
*" Immediately upon receiving this intelligence. Gen- 
eral Harrison dispatched orders to him, requesting 
him to detach eight hundred men for the purpose of 
landing on the other side and attacking the enemy's 
batteries. In the meantime, he embraced tlie favora- 
ble opportunity given by the timely arrival of Gen- 
eral Clay's reinforcements, for completing the ar- 
rangements for a sortie he had planned some time 
before. The sortie was designed to be made upon the 
side of the fort commanded by Lieutenant Colonel 
Miller, of the nineteenth United States infantry, 
simultaneously with the attack to be made upon the 
enemy's batteries by the detachment under Colonel 
Dudley, from General Clay's reinforcement. The at- 
tack was admirably planned, and should it prove suc- 
cessful, the enemy would be compelled to raise the 
siege immediately. The duty assigned to Colonel Dud- 
ley was executed with ability, and he landed his men in 
good order. He then advanced at once to the enemy's 
cannon, and with such determined bravery, that four 
of their batteries were carried almost instantly, and 
the British regulars and Indians were at once put to 

flight. 

The victory of Colonel Dudley seemed to bo 
complete and decisive ; but it was soon turned into a 
defeat. A large body of Indians, under the cele- 
brated Tecumthe, were on their route to the British 
14* 



162 THE LIFE OP 

camp, when they met the fugitives whom Dudley had 
so signally beaten. This body was immediately or- 
dered to form an ambush, and to await the approach 
of the Americans, while a few Indians were to act as 
decoys. After having executed his orders, Colonel 
Dudley ordered a retreat ; but his men, flushed with 
victory, and desirous of avenging their murdered fel- 
low-soldiers at Frenchtown, pushed on in pursuit of 
the flying foe with an impetuosity that nothing could 
resist. Their commander attempted in vain to check 
their headlong career, and even threatened them with 
summary punishment, but without effect, and in a few 
moments they found themselves drawn into the snare 
that had been set for them, surrounded by a force 
three times their number. A dreadful battle now en- 
sued, in which the Kentuckians fought Avith their 
usual desperate courage; but they Avere fighting 
against tremendous odds, both in numbers and posi- 
tion, and were finally slaughtered, with the exception 
of one hundred and fifty, who succeeded in making 
their escape. Colonel Dudley, in attempting to cut 
his way through the enemy to the river, was killed, 
having fought with great gallantry, throughout the 
bloody engagements.* 

The misfortune that befel Colonel Dudley in some 
measure disconcerted the plan of the sortie under 
Colonel Miller, though it did not deter him from sal- 
lying forth at the head of three hundred men and as- 
saulting the whole of the British works, manned by 

* Bi'ackenridge. 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 103 

three hundred and fifty regulars and five hundred In- 
dians. In this attack, Avhich was made 'with an im- 
petuosity that overcame every obstacle, he drove the 
enemy from their principal batteries, spiked their can- 
non, and returned to the fort Avith forty-two prison- 
ers. When the great disparity of force between the 
Americans and British, and the advantageous posi- 
tion of the enemy are considered, the sortie of Colonel 
Miller must be looked upon as one of the most suc- 
cessful and gallant actions of the whole war. Every 
man fought with the courage of a hero, and indeed 
every man made himself a hero by his noble con- 
duct. 

The attack was commenced against the Canadians 
and Indians by Major Alexander's battalion, and was 
followed by Colonel Miller in a gallant and irresisti- 
ble charire aorainst the British ref]^ulars. Amon<]jst 

CO o o 

the officers in these two attacks were Captains Crog- 
han, Langham, Bradford and Waring, and Lieuten- 
ants Gwynne and Campbell. A company of Ken- 
tuckians, commanded b}'^ Captain Lebree, who had 
distinguished himself at Frenchtown, won new honors 
by their brave conduct in this gallant action.* 

Though Colonel Dudley was finally defeated by 
being drawn into an ambush, the complete success of 
his attack upon the British batteries, and Colonel 
Miller's equally successful sortie, had taught Proctor 
a profitable lesson, and proved to him that, in any- 
thing like an equal contest, the Americans were more 

* Brackenridge. 



164 THE LIFE OF 

than a match for his blood-thirsty allies and his almost 
equally ferocious regulars. He was therefore quite 
willing for a cessation of hostilities, which took place f 
for the three days following the sortie. Flags fre- 
quently passed between the besiegers and the besieged 
during this temporary calm, and arrangements were 
entered into for the exchange of prisoners. Tecum- 
the agreed to release his claims to the persons taken 
by the Indians, provided some Wyandots, to the num- 
ber of forty, were delivered up. Proctor also pro- 
mised to furnish a list of the killed, wounded and 
prisoners; but he again forfeited his word; the pro- 
mise was never fulfilled.* 

Thus terminated this siege at the end of thirteen 
days. It had not only reflected honor on General 
Harrison and his brave little army, and the Ameri- 
can character, but convinced the butcher Proctor that, 
whatever victims he might thenceforth procure to feed 
his own and the appetites of his savage auxiliaries 
upon, he must fight for, and that they would be dearly 
purchased. His speedy retreat from Fort Meigs, af- i\ 
ter all his vaunted parade and impudent threats, were ^1 
as disgraceful to his generalship, and as mortifying 
to his vanity, as his previous butcheries of defenceless 
men and his want of truth were dishonorable to him 
as a soldier and a gentleman. 

The loss of the Americans in the fort was eighty- 
one killed and one hundred and eighty-nine wounded, 
seventy of whom were Kentucky volunteers. This 

* Brackenridge. 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 1G5 

does not include the killed and wounded under Colonel 
Dudley. The force under Proctor was reported at five 
hundred and fifty regulars, eight hundred militia, and 
fifteen hundred Indians, — the latter of whom fought 
with great courage, frequently saving their allies from 
total destruction. 

After the cessation of hostilities, the savages re- 
turned to their homes, in accordance with an almost 
universal custom, and in spite of all the influence Te- 
cumthe could exert. Proctor was so much weakened 
by this defection of his allies, that he was compelled 
precipitately to retreat, and to leave behind him, in 
his haste to make his escape, many valuable articles. 

In reflecting upon the siege of Fort Meigs, a ju- 
dicious writer * expresses the opinion that it was for- 
tunate for the American cause that the enterprise of 
General Proctor against that fort was delayed so 
long. Had he been ready to sail as soon as the lake 
became navigable, and so timed his movements as to 
arrive at the fort during the first week in April, im- 
mediately after the last militia of the winter campaign 
had been discharged, and before General Harrison 
arrived with reinforcements, he must have succeeded 
against that post. The garrison was then left very 
weak, being considerably less than five hundred eff'ec- 
tive men. The works, too, were then very incomplete, 
and entirely too large for that of soldiers successfully 
to defend, as the fortified camp included seven or 
eight acres of land. 

* M'Afee. 



166 THE LIFE or 

The capture of Fort Meigs would have been a 
most serious loss to the country, as it contained nearly 
all the artillery and military stores of the north- 
western army, besides a large amount of provisions. 
General Harrison repeatedly pressed upon the atten- 
tion of the government, during the winter, the neces- 
sity of preparing a force to take the place of the 
militia then in service. But instead of this, the new 
Secretary of War, John Armstrong, who had been 
appointed to that office the preceding February, in 
place of William Eustis, at the critical moment when 
the last of those troops were disbanded, restricted 
General Harrison to the use of regulars, which were 
still to be levied in a country where it was almost im- 
possible to raise a regiment of regulars through the 
whole year. Without the aid of the Ohio and Ken- 
tucky militia, which the general called into service 
without the authority and contrary to the views of the 
War Department, it is highly probable that the im- 
portant post at the Rapids would have fallen into the 
hands of Proctor, and the bloody scenes of French- 
town been re-enacted. 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 1G7 



CHAPTER X. 



AViTii the raising of the siege of Fort Meigs were 
suspeiulcd offensive operations on both sides for a con- 
siderable time. The troops were to remain at that 
post and Upper Sandusky until the completion of the 
naval preparations on Lake Erie, whichwere then in 
a consiilerable state of forwardness. Without the 
command of that lake, little of consequence could be 
accomplished, and any attempt either to recover De- 
troit or subdue Maiden, objects which General Har- 
rison as well as the government had much at heart, 
would be worse than useless, while it was in the hands 
of the enemy. The troops, therefore, must necessarily 
remain in a state of inactivity a great part of the 
summer, awaiting the completion of the fleet designed 
to co-operate with the army in those favorite ob- 
jects. 

While awaitini:: this event, therefore, General 
Harrison returned to Frank lington for the purpose 
of organizing the forces which were to be concen- 
trated at that place. In the course of the summer, 
deputies from the various Indian tribes residing in 



\ 



168 THE LIFE OF 

Ohio, and from some of those in the territories of In- 
diana and Illinois, waited upon him at Franklington, 
and volunteered their services for the campaign into 
Canada. It had been the general policy of the gov- 
ernment not to employ any of the friendly Indians in 
the service of the United States. The only exception to 
this human policy was in employing a small body under 
the command of the celebrated Logan, a nephew of Te- 
cumthe. But the advice to them to remain neutral 
could not be comprehended, as they looked upon it 
as an indirect imputation upon their courage. Gen- 
eral Harrison finally consented to receive them into 
his service, but only upon the condition that they 
should spare their prisoners, and not make war upon 
defenceless women and children. 

He informed Tarke, the oldest Indian in the 
western country, who was at the head of the deputa- 
tion, that he would be able to judge by the conduct of 
the Indians who might enter his service, whether the 
British could restrain those in their army from the 
horrible cruelty they had perpetrated. If the In- 
dians under him would forbear such conduct, it would 
satisfy him that Proctor could also restrain them if he 
wished to do so. He humorously told the deputation 
that he had been informed that Proctor had promised 
to deliver him into the hands of Tecumthe, if he had 
succeeded at Fort Meigs, to be treated as that war- 
rior might think proper. As a fair offset to this lib- 
eral offer, he promised them that, if Proctor should 
fall into his hands, they should have hira as their 



■WILLIA.M IIKMIY HAURlSdN. 1G9 

prisoner, on condition that they woiild arrree to treat 
hii!! as a squatr, and put jx'tticoats on him, for he 
must be a coward, dcserviuf^ only such treatment, 
-who ^voukl kill a defenceless j)risoner."' 

There is little doubt that the promise to deliver 
General Harrison, and all who fought at Tippecanoe, 
over to Tecumthe, if the attack on Fort Meigs should 
prove successful, with the understanding that they 
were to be burned at the stake, was true. Major 
Ball ascertained this fact from the prisoners, desert- 
ters and Indians, all of whom agree as to its truth ; 
and besides, it is sustained by the previous conduct 
and well-established character of Proctor, though in- 
consistent with the conduct of Tecumthe after the 
treaty of Yincennes-f 

Though the failure of the expedition against Fort 
Meigs, and the consequent dispersion of many of the 
British allies, had to a considerable extent checked 
the depredations of the savages upon the more thickly 
inhabited parts of the country, they still continued to 
attack the settlements along the borders of the lake 
from Frenchtown to Erie. Their inroads, however, 
received a temporary check from a squadron of horse 
under Major Ball, a brave and valuable officer. As 
he was descending the Sandusky with only twenty- 
two men, he was fired upon by about the same num- 
ber of savages, from an ambuscade. He promptly 
charged upon them, drove them from their hiding 
places, and after an obstinate contest, in which both 

* Sketches of Harrison. f Dawson. 

15 



170 THE LIFE OF 

parties fouglit with great courage, tlie Indians were 
defeated, and the whole band killed to a man. The 
Indians fought with the ferocity of despair, but discip- 
line prevailed over their savage desperation. 

A hasty glance at the operations of the northern 
army under General Dearborne. The British Gov- 
ernment during the past winter had made extensive 
preparations for the defense of Canada, and had sent 
a large number of troops to Halifax, for the purpose 
of being employed in that object. Great care and 
energy had also been used in disciplining the militia of 
Canada for the same purpose, while little had been 
done on the American side toward the conquest of 
that Province. In consequence of the unpopularity 
of the war in the northern part of the union, it was 
difficult to prevail on the States to call out the militia. 
The favorable moment for the conquest of Canada, 
therefore, seemed to have passed, though the hope 
was still indulged that something might still be 
done, if a proper spirit could be roused in the north- 
ern States, especially if the command of the lakes 
could be obtained ; there was no doubt entertained 
that the whole of Upper Canada, at least, must fall. 

Several acts of hostility took place, also, during 
the winter on the northern frontier. In February, 
a small party of British passed over from Canada, os- 
tensibly in search of deserters, during which they com- 
mitted many wanton depredations upon the houses 
and property of American citizens. Determined to 
avenge these injuries, Major Forsyth, who commanded 



WILLIAM IIF.NP.Y TTARTlIr-.OX. 171 

at Ogdensburjih, took part of a coini)any of rillcnien, 
Avith several volunteers, and entered Canada with such 
celerity that he surprised the British general at Eliz- 
abethtown, took fifty-two prisoners and a considerable 
amount of public property, after which he returned to 
Osrdensburixh without the loss of a man. Shortlv af- 

Of? ^ 

ter this exploit, on the 21st of February, the British 
made an attack upon Ogdensburgh, with a force of 
twelve hundred men, and succeeded with the vastly 
superior force in expelling Major Forsyth from the 
town, but not until after a sharp contest, in which the 
Americans lost twenty men in killed and wounded, 
and the enemy twice that number. 

It was determined by the commander-in-chief to 
make a descent upon Canada, by such a force as should 
at least make itself felt. For this purpose General 
Zebulon Pike, one of the most accomplished officers 
and bravest men in the army, and a gentleman who 
was as highly beloved by the soldiers for his noble 
qualities of heart as he was respected and honored 
for his bravery and accomplishments, was selected for 
this responsible enterprise. After a conference be- 
tween the commander and chief, it was determined 
that the contemplated expedition should be directed 
against York in Upper Canada. The fleet under 
Commodore Chauncey was ordered to co-operate with 
General Dearborne, in his plans of whatever charac- 
ter. On the 2Tth of April he landed his troops, destin- 
ed for the attack about two miles from York, in spite of 
the most obstinate eftbrts of the British and Indians 



172 THE LIFE OF 

to prevent him. Having succeeded in landing all his 
troops, in the midst of a destructive fire, he gallantly 
charged the enemy and drove them all from their po- 
sitions at the point of the bayonet. They then fled 
to the fort in all speed. 

He at once formed his lines and commenced the 
attack, carrying several of the batteries and driving 
the enemy within the garrison. Suspecting that some 
stratagem was designed from the fact that the British 
appeared to have deserted their barracks, he dis- 
patched Lieutenant Riddle to learn the situation of 
the enemy. AVhile waiting the return of Riddle he 
seated himself upon the stump of a tree, after having 
humanely removed a wounded British soldier to a 
place of security, when suddenly an explosion took 
place that shook the very earth. The magazine had 
blown up, and instantly the air was filled with huge 
stones and fragments of wood which were rent asun- 
der and whirled aloft with tremendous force. The 
magazine contained five hundred barrels of powder. 
This was the treacherous and cowardly stratagem 
General Pike had feared, but the precise nature of 
which he could not have foreseen. 

Immense quantities of these broken and blackened 
fragments fell amongst the victorious columns of the 
Americans, causing a havoc which the arms of the 
enemy could not effect in a fair and honorable con- 
test. Upwards of two hundred Americans were thus 
killed and wounded in a manner scarcely more credit- 
able or less barbarous than the Frenchtown massa- 



WILLIAM IlLNRV HARRISO.V. 173 

cro. Amongst tlie number shiin was tlie beloved and 
heroic Pike. But tliou^h for a moment confounded 
b\- the shock and the dreadful havoc in their ranks, the 
brave troops almost instantly rallied, closing up their 
broken columns and giving, in tlieir turn, three loud 
cheers. General Pike, though mortally woundc<l, 
preserved his undaunted spirit. With his last breath 
he addressed them in words of cheerful confidence. 
"Move on," he exclaimed, "my brave fellows, and 
avenge your general." The appeal was instantly 
obeyed, and with such irresistible impetuosity and 
gallantry as to overwhelm their treacherous foes, and 
soon the British flag was presented to Pike. At four 
o'clock the Americans were in possession of the town ; 
and all the troops of the garrison, regulars and mili- 
tia, naval officers arid seamen, were surrendered pris^ 
oners of war. All the public stores were given up, 
but private property and the rights of the citizens 
were strictly respected. 

The American loss, until the blowing up of the 
magazine, was inconsiderable. By this characteristic 
act of base treachery and cowardice, the number was 
increased to three hundred in killed and wounded. 
About three hundred British surrendered prisoners of 
war, besides the killed and wounded. But, as miirht 
have been expected from the treachery displayed by 
the British general in attempting to blow up the 
whole American force, the terms of the stipulation 
were not faithfully observed, for a large amount of 
public property was destroyed after the capitulation. 
15* 



174 THE LIFE OF 

The next enterprise of importance was an attack 
upon Fort George and Fort Erie. Both these forts 
were captured, and all the British fortifications along 
the shore fell into the hands of the Americans on the 
27th of May. In these operations Colonel Scott, 
now commander-in-chief of the army of the United 
States, and then an accomplished officer, distinguish- 
ed himself, as he had the year before at Queenstown, 
as did also General Boyd. Commodore Chauncey, 
who commanded our little navy on the lake, co-ope- 
rated with the land forces and added greatly to the 
success of the American arms. Commodore Oliver 
H. Perry also signalized himself in these various 
movements. The day after the battle, Lieutenant 
Perry was dispatched to Black Rock with fifty men 
for tbe purpose of taking five vessels to Erie, and to 
prepare the squadron at that place for commencing 
operations, in conjunction mih General Harrison, as 
early as the 15th of June. 

A few days after the battle of Eorts George and 
Erie, the battle of Stoney Creek was fought. Though 
this action resulted in the accidental capture of both 
General Chandler and General Winder, two Ameri- 
can officers of distinction and acknowledged bravery, 
they were nevertheless beaten in the action, with 
great loss. Their killed and wounded amounted to 
more than double that of the Americans, besides one 
hundred prisoners captured by the Americans. But 
these movements of General Dearborne against the 
British fortifications on the Niagara had well nig1i 



WILLIAM liENUY HARRISON. 17o 

cost the Americans dear. Taking a<lvantagc of tlic 
absence of the troops and fleet, the Briti.^h made an 
attack upon Sacket's Harbor, the de{)Ository of all 
uiir naval and military stores, both those captured at 
York and those accumulated for a year past for the 
contemplated operations against Canada, and a phice, 
therefore, of the utmost imuortancc. The attack, ho-vv- 
ever, proved unsuccessful, through the judgment and 
Avcll-managcd stratagem of General Brown. As usual. 
Sir George Provost, -who commanded the attack, boast- 
fully claimed a victory after his return to Canada. 

The next enterprise of the British -was a predato- 
ry incursion to the village of Sodus, principally -svith 
the view of destroying some stores that had been de- 
posited there. But their stores being concealed in the 
woods upon their approach, and exasperated at their 
disappointment, they set fire to the most valuable 
part of the village, and continued their devastations 
until they were compelled precipitately to retreat. 
Shortly after this, Lieutenant Colonel Berstler was 
defeated in an attempt to dislodge the enemy from 
La Couse's house, about seventeen miles from Fort 
George. After having been attacked by a greatly 
superior force, while in the execution of this object, he 
and his whole party were compelled to surrender.* 

The British, havinc: been o-reatly reinforced a few 
days after, invested the American camp. During 
the remainder of this and the ensuing month a war 
of posts was kept up between the two armies. On 

* Brackenridge. 



176 THE LIFE OF 

the 8tli of July a severe skirmish took place, in which 
nearly the whole force on both sides was engaged ; 
but it ended in no important result. The British, 
however, succeeded in capturing Lieutenant Eldridge, 
an accomplished young officer, and ten men, who were 
never afterwards heard of. They were undoubtedly 
handed over to the savages, and by them inhumanly 
murdered. Three days after they attacked Black 
Rock, but were compelled to betake themselves to 
their boats, in great haste, almost immediately after 
landing. On the 28th of July, Colonel Winfield Scott 
undertook another expedition against York, which had 
been recaptured by the British. Pie landed suddenly 
at the head of three hundred men, destroyed the pub- 
lic stores, released a number of prisoners, and re- 
turned to Sachet's Harbor, with but a trifling loss. 

The enemy's ambition seem to have been quite 
satisfied by this kind of warfare, during June and 
July, and they pursued it with a zest which showed 
that their hearts were in the cause. They continued 
their war upon such peaceable citizens, and their out- 
rages upon such private property, as they could reach 
without too much exposure. They laid waste the 
country along the borders of Lake Champlain. All 
the public buildings at Plattsburgh were wantonly 
burnt, and a large amount of private property car- 
ried. Similar outrages were also committed at Swan- 
ton, in Vermont. On the lakes, little of importance 
to either side was accomplished during these months. 
Commodore Chauncey attempted to bring Sir James 



WILLIAM HENRY IIAHIUSON. 177 

Yeo to an engagement on Lake Ontario, but without 
success. 

At the South, in tlio meantime, the enemy liad 
prosecuted the war witli even less of the usages of 
civilized nations than at the North ; cruelty and de- 
struction mark'^d their course. Sometime in Febru- 
ary, an attack was made upon Lewistown, on the 
Delaware, by Commodore Beresford ; but the town 
making a gallant resistance, he was compelled to 
abandon the enterprise. But, on the Chesapeake, 
they were more successful. It was here that the no- 
torious Cockburn, who commanded the British block- 
ading squadron, acquired the reputation which has 
rendered his name infamous throughout the world, 
and given him a standing, in the eyes of all civilized 
countries, second only to that of Proctor. This mis^ 
erable creature commenced operations as a rear-admi- 
ral in the British navy, by attacking and robbing 
detached farm-houses, wantonly slaughtering cattle 
that he could carry off, and by arming slaves against 
their masters. Emboldened by his success in robbing 
hen-roosts, and decoying women and children, he next 
turned his attention to objects offering richer plunder. 

His first achievement on a laro-e scale was against 
the villa;re of Frenchtown, containini^ six dwellinir- 
houses, two storediouses, and a few stables, which he 
gallantly captured, carrying off as lisual a consider- 
able amount of private property stored there. This 
exploit was followed by the still bolder one of burn- 
ing Havre de Grace, a village of thirty houses, situ 



178 THE LIFE OF 

ated on the Susquehanna. Amongst other acts of 
bravery, during the burning of this town, they oflfered 
the grossest insults to the women, tearing their clothes 
from their backs, and subjecting them to almost every 
outrage. Having stolen all the private property that 
had been spared from the flames, and laying waste 
the country for miles around, they suspended the 
work of destruction for the work of something else 
to destroy. Following these victories over unarmed 
citizens and defenceless women and children, was the 
destruction of Georgetown and Frederickton, Mary- 
land, both of which were plundered of everything 
valuable before being burned. Not long after these 
achievements, so honorable to the British arms, and 
so much in keeping with the chivalry and humanity 
of British officers, their fleet was greatly increased 
by the arrival of Admiral Warren from the West 
Indies. 

It was soon ascertained that the first formidable 
enterprise of the English, after the reinforcement of 
their fleet, was an attack upon Norfolk. But before 
this could be successfully undertaken, it was necessary 
to subdue the forts by which it was protected. Cra- 
ney Island was the first of these, and it was attacked 
with great fury on the 22nd of May ; but they w^ere 
repulsed with loss, several of their boats sunk, and 
their whole force compelled to make a precipitate re- 
treat. To revenge themselves, however, for this de- 
feat, they proceeded to pillage the town of Hampton, 
about eighteen miles from Norfolk ; but they met with 



WTLI.IAM HENRY HARRISON. 170 

a warm rt-oeption, and, but for tlic immense superi- 
ority ol' force, would have been defeated. After they 
had got possession of the town, the most shocking 
outrages were committe<l upon the inhabitants. Full 
license was given the soldiers to gratify their passions ; 
and such acts of brutality and blood-thirsty cruelty 
were perpetrated as never before disgraced the sol- 
diers of any civilized nation. 

Having satiated his thirst for blood and plunder, 
or rather having' exhausted the means of gratifying 
it on the Chesapeake, the hen-roost robbing admiral 
proceeded farther south in search of new objects to 
display his gallantry upon. He commenced his ca- 
reer there by various depredations in North Carolina, 
quite as honorable as those by which he had already 
distinguished himself. 

Though all the legitimate evils of war were expe- 
rienced north of the Chesapeake, none of the bar- 
barities which disgraced Cockburn's career were per- 
petrated. Nor, indeed, were there any very important 
movements or exploits of any kind on the northern 
coast. An attempt of considerable pretension was 
made upon New London, or rather an attempt was 
threatened, but the place was so well fortified that it 
was abandoned. 

While these events were transpiring, — events that 
were, in the main, as dishonorable to the British name 
as they were annoying to the Americans, — our gallant 
little navy had been running a career of glory that 
filled the breast of every American with pride, and 



180 THE LIFE OF 

the hearts of our enemies witli mortification. One of 
the most brilliant of this series of victories was the 
capture of the " Peacock," Captain Peake, by the 
'' Hornet," Captain Lawrence, on the 23rcl of Febru- 
ary, 1812. The "Peacock" was of somewhat supe- 
rior force to the " Hornet." The action only lasted 
fifteen minutes, during which the enemy was literally 
cut to pieces, and went down before her crew could 
be rescued by the utmost efforts of Captain Lawrence 
and his crew. 

This brilliant victory, however, was more than 
counterbalanced by the capture of the " Chesapeake," 
commanded by the victor of the " Peacock," by the 
British frigate "Shannon," on the 21st of June fol- 
lowing. This calamity was owing, not to the want 
of courage and good conduct in Captain Lawrence, 
but must be attributed to the character of his crew, 
most of whom had but just been enlisted. Many of 
his officers were also sick ; and, worse than all, seve- 
ral foreigners had crept into the ship's crew, who had 
succeeded in poisoning their minds. This victory 
made the British nation almost wild with joy, as it 
seemed to aff'ord them some hope that the American 
navy was not quite invincible, a fact about which they 
were beginning to have their doubts. This hope was 
considerably strengthened by the capture of the "Ar- 
gus," after having for two months committed great 
havoc upon the shipping of the enemy in the English 
channel. 

On the 5th of September, these misfortunes were 



WILLIAM HKNRY HARRISON. ISI 

partly compensated by the brilliant victory of the 
American brig *' Enterprise," Lieutenant Command- 
ant AVilliam Burrows, over the l^ritish frigate "Box- 
er," of superior force. But this victory was pur- 
chased with the life of the brave Burrows, the only 
man killed on board the " Enterprize." The com- 
mander of the Boxer was also killed. On the 26th 
of the same month, Commodore Rogers returned after 
a most successful cruise of five months, having cap- 
tured a lar^e number of British merchant vessels, 
and the British war schooner, " Ilighfiier," a tender 
to Admiral Warren. The " Congress," Captain 
Smith, which put to sea with the " President," re- 
turned on the 12th of December, having also captured 
• a large number of the enemy's vessels and two armed 
brigs. 

Besides these brilliant achievements, — for even 
the actions in which the " Chesapeake" and "Argus" 
were captured added to our naval renown, — on the 
part of our vessels of war, the American private 
cruisers rendered valuable service to the country, 
and aided to convince our proud and powerful enemy 
that America would, at no distant day, dispute the 
claim of Great Britain to mistress of the sea. In 
the engagement between the " Comet" and a Portu- 
guese brig and three armed merchantmen, Captain 
Boyle, the commander of the " Comet," after fighting 
them all for several hours, compelled the brig, though 
double his own force, to make her escape, and cap- 
tured one of the merchantmen. liittle less brilll-.iu 
16 



182 THE LIFE OF 

was the action between the privateer ^^ Decatur" and 
the British vessel of war "Dominica," in which the 
latter was captured, after a hard contest. Many 
other actions equally honorable to our brave seamen, 
and equally beneficial to the American cause, we 
fought during the summer, and immense damage was 
done to British commerce. 



'I 



WILLIAM IIF.MiY ilxUlIii H(iJ!l. I! 3 



CHAPTER XI. 

HAVING thus given a very meagre glance at some 
of the leading events transpiring at the North, along 
the Atlantic course, and on the ocean, during this 
second year of the war, the history of operations 
"with which General Harrison was more immediately 
connected will be resumed. In these occurrences, 
important preparations were being made by him at 
the West. Public attention was directed to that 
quarter with great anxiety, and the northern army 
remained almost with folded arms, awaiting the cam- 
paign upon which he was about to enter, and of the 
daily anticipated contest for the command of Lake 
Erie. The British labored with equal diligence to 
strengthen themselves, fully alive as they were to the 
fatal consequences of defeat either on the lake or by 
land. Troops were therefore constantly arriving to 
reinforce Proctor's army, and to enable him to follow 
up any advantage that might be obtained over our 
fleet.* 

On the other hand, the people of Ohio and Ken- 

* Brackcnx'idge raising reinforcements and organizlag. 



184 THE LIFli: OF 

tuckj were making the most patriotic sacrifices in 
seconding the efforts of General Harrison. One uni- 
versal feeling of excitement prevailed amongst the 
people ; and had the exigencies of the country re- 
quired it, every man capable of bearing arms would 
cheerfully have marched to her defence at whatever 
sacrifice. Fifteen thousand men, — three times the 
number required, — promptly responded to the call of 
the patriotic Governor Meigs of Ohio ; and the noble- 
hearted Shelby, Governor of Kentucky, declared his 
intention of putting himself at the head of the volun- 
teers of that State, whose number he limited to four 
thousand, with the determination of avenging their 
murdered friends and brothers. 

General Harrison, who, it will be recollected, was 
left at Franklinton with his army for active opera- 
tions, received information in June that Fort Meigs 
was again invested. But this proved to be a false 
alarm ; and, after satisfying himself that the enemy 
had no such immediate intention, he returned to 
Lower Sandusky. From that place, he set off for 
Cleveland, on business connected with the publio 
stores accumulated there, and io hapten the cou* • 
pletion of boats designed for transporting the army 
across the lake. On the 23rd of July, a body ol' 
eight hundred Indians passed Fort jMeigs, and it wa.? 
supposed they contemplated an attack upon Fort Win- 
chester. Two days afterwards, a large body of la- 
dians and British, amounting to not less than fivr? 
thousand men, mostly Indians, passed in the same 



WILLIAM HENRY ITARRISON l^f) 

direction. Tliis was the largest army of Indians ever 
assembled on any occasion during the army. 

General Harrison, however, came to the conclu- 
sion that this movement against Fort Meigs was de- 
signed to divert his attention from Lower Sandusky, 
the real object of attack. The result proved the re- 
markable accuracy of his judgment. He immediately 
removed his head quarters to Seneca, nine miles above 
that place. He could thus fall back upon Upper San- 
dusky, should circumstances render it necessary, and 
move to the relief of Fort Meigs, as these two points 
were of far more importance than Lower Sandusky. 
Major Georore Cro<]rhan, with one hundred and sixty 
regulars, was left at the latter place for the defence 
of Fort Stephenson. The number of troops at 
Seneca amounted to only six hundred, a force entirely 
too small to advance upon Fort Meigs. Captain Mc 
Cune was sent back to General Clay, then in com- 
mand of that post, Avith information that, as early as 
the commander-in-chief could collect a sufficient num- 
ber of troops, he would relieve that fort. But the 
day after the return of the express, the enemy raised 
the siege, and, as had been foreseen by General Har- 
rison, the British sailed round into Sandusky Bay, 
while the Indians marched across the country to aid 
in the attack upon Lower Sandusky, now satisfactorily 
ascertained to be the real object against which their 
efforts were to be directed.* 

On the 21st of April of this year. General Har- 

* Sketches of General Harrison. 

16* 



186 THE LIFE OP 

rison had written to the Secretary of War, advising him 
that he should cause the movements of the enemy to be 
narrowly watched ; but that in the event of his land- 
ing at Lower Sandusky it could not, in his opinion, 
be saved, and he should cause it to be evacuated and 
the arms there removed. Shortly before the express 
from Fort Meigs reached General Harrison, he, in 
company with Major Croghan and other officers, had 
examined Fort Stephenson, and come to the conclu- 
sion that it could not be defended against heavy artil- 
lerv, and that it then must be abandoned and burnt, 
provided a retreat could be safely effected. In the 
orders given Major Croghan, he was immediately to 
retreat in case he could discover the approach of the 
enemy with cannon, in season to do so, and to destroy 
all the public stores. It was suggested that the at- 
tempt to retreat in the face of an Indian force would 
be vain, a-nd that against such an enemy, however 
great, the garrison would be safe. 

Immediately upon information being received by 
the commander-in-chief, a council of war was held, 
composed of McArthur, Cass, Bull, Wood, Holmes, 
Ilukill, Paul, and Graham, who were unanimously of 
opinion that Fort Stephenson was untenable against 
heavy artillery, and that the garrison should be with- 
drawn and the place destroyed, upon the approach of 
the enemy. An order was therefore forthwith sent to 
him, requiring him at once to abandon the fort, set 
fire to it, and repair with his command to head quar- 
ters. This order did not reach Major Croghan until 



WILLI^\M IIENIIV IIAItlllSON. 187 

the next Jay, the 30th of July. By this time he was 
of opinion that lie wouhl not retreat Avilli safety, as 
the Indians had surrounded the fort in considerable 
numbers. 

In this opinion a majority of his officers concurred. 
They were equally decided in tlie opinion that the 
fort would be maintained, at any rate, until further 
instructions could be received from head (quarters, 
^lajor Croghan therefore prom]>tly acknowledged the 
receipt of this order, informing the commander-in- 
chief that it had been received too late to make good 
his retreat, and then laconically adding, "we have 
determined to maintain this place ; by heavens, we 
can ! " Not understanding the motives which induced 
this apparent disobedience of orders, nor the consid- 
erations which prompted the use of such strong lan- 
guage, — the fear it might fall into the hands of the 
enemy, — next morning sent General Wells, under the 
escort of Colonel Ball and a detachment of dragoons 
to relieve Major Croghan of his ordering him to re- 
pair to head quarters. On his arrival there, he ex- 
plained his motives to the satisfaction of General 
Harrison, and was immediately after directed to re- 
sume his post, and fully authorized to defend the fort 
to the last. 

The next day it was supposed that the British were 
within twenty miles of Fort Stephenson, approaclijng 
theplace by water. It was not till after twelve o'clock 
on the 1st of August, when the scouts that had been 
sent out by General Harrison communicated this in- 



188 THE LIFE OP 

formation to Major Croghan. In a few hours after, 
the fort was actually invested by the British and In- 
dians. The force of the enemy amounted to five 
hundred regulars and seven hundred Indians, under 
the command of the despicable General Proctor. 
After he had made such a disposition of his troops 
as rendered it impossible for the garrison to escape, 
he sent a flag of truce by Colonel Elliot and Major 
Chambers, demanding the surrender of the fort, ac- 
companied with the usual threat of butchery and 
massacre of the garrison should it persist in hold- 
ing out. 

Major Croghan, finding that all his companions — 
who, like himself, were mere striplings — would sup- 
port him to the last, declined the summons, assuring 
the bearers that ^' when the garrison surrendered, 
there would be none left to massacre, as it would not 
be given up while there was a man able to fight." 
When the flag returned, bearing this Spartan-spirited 
reply, a brisk fire was opened from six-pounders in 
their boats, and from a howitzer, which was kept up 
during the night. The next morning it was discov- 
ered that three sixes had been planted, under cover of 
the darkness, within two hundred and fifty yards of 
the pickets, which shortly after commenced firing, 
with little effect. About four o'clock in the after- 
noon, the enemy having concentrated his fire against 
the north-west angle of the fort, with the intention 
of making a breach, it was immediately strengthened 
by means of bags of flour and sand. At the same 



V.'ILMAM IIENKV HARKIPON. 180 

time, the six-pounder, the only pieec of artillery iii 
the fort, was carefully concealed in the bastion which 
covered the point to be assailed, and loaded with slugs 
and <i;rape shot. 

About five hundred of the enemy now advanced to 
attack the part where it was supposed the pickets had 
been injured, at the same time making several feints 
to draw the attention of the besieged from the real 
point to be assailed. Their force being thus disposed, 
a column of three hundred and fifty men, who were 
so completely enveloped in a density of smoke as not 
to be seen until they approached within twenty paces 
of the lines, advanced rapidly to the assault. A fire 
of musketry from the fort threw them for a moment 
into confusion ; bat they were quickly rallied by 
Colonel Short, who sprung over the outer works into 
the ditch, and commanded them to follow, character- 
istically exclaiming, " Give the d d Yankees no 

quarter." Scarcely had the profane and inhuman 
order been uttered, when the six-pounder opened upon 
them a most destructive fire, killing their barbarous 
leader and twenty others, and wounding as many 
more. A volley of musketry was discharged upon 
the assailants with fatal efi'ect. 

The officer who succeeded Colonel Short in the 
command, exasperated at meeting such opposite re- 
sistance from a parcel of boys, formed the broken 
columns anew, and again rushed to the onset with re- 
doubled fury. The six-pounder was again played 
upon them with the same terrible success as before, 



190 THE LIFE OP 

and the volleys from the musketry were poured in 
upon them in such rapid succession, and with such 
unerring certainty, that they were once more thrown 
into confusion, and, in spite of the exertion of their 
officers, fied to an adjoining wood with even more 
speed than they had, but a few moments before, ex- 
ercised to gain, as they thought, so easy and so cer- 
tain prey. Their savage allies immediately followed 
them, and shortly after the assailants abandoned the 
attack in despair. Panic struck, they retreated to 
their boats in sullen silence, scarcely daring to cast 
their eyes towards the spot where so many of their 
companions had found a bloody grave, and where they 
had met with so ignominious a defeat from an enemy 
they held in so much contempt,' and scarcely one- 
tenth their own number.* 

Glorious as was the conduct of the heroic Crog- 
han and his brave companions in this gallant defence 
of a post decided by a council of war to he fenceless, 
it reilects scarcely more honor on the noble little 
band than their treatment towards their wounded 
enemies who had been left at their mercy by the 
British in their flight. Regardless of the fact that 
they were doomed to an indiscriminate massacre had 
they fallen into the hands of Proctor's butchers, and 
of every other consideration save the impulses of 
their own noble souls, they directed their whole 
efforts to relieving the sufferings of their wounded 
foes. Provisions and water were handed over the 

* Brackenridge. 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 191 

pickets to them during the night ; and although a 
firing was still kept up upon them, an opening was 
made, and many of them were removed within the 
fort where they were immediately supplied with sur- 
-« gical aid and every kindness and attention within the 
power of the victors s/iown them. The fabled eastern 
prince, who offered the hand of his daughter to the 
, man who would do the noblest and most disinterested 
• act, would have awarded the prize to Croghan, had 
he lived in that age. No fairer wreath can adorn the 
brow of a soldier than such conduct, mider such cir- 
cumstances. It was not so much that the objects of 
his humane treatment were his own and his compan- 
ion's chosen and willing executions, as that they were 
the perpetrators of the Frenchtown massacre, that 
renders this act of magnanimity so truly noble. 

In this brilliant defense, the Americans' loss 
amounted to one killed and seven wounded. The 
enemy lost one hundred and fifty in killed and 
wounded, more than one-third of whom was killed. 
Upwards of fifty were found in and about the ditch 
after the enemy had fled. The next morning it was 
discovered that the enemy had retreated, and with so 
much precipitation that they left behind them one 
boat, a considerable quantity of military stores, and 
upwards of seventy stands of arms. During the day, 
the Americans were engaged in burying their dead, 
with the honors of war, and in providing for their 
wounded. 

This achievement, so honorable in every respect to 



ll^2 THE LIFE OF 

the gallant defenders of Fort Stephenson, or Fort San- 
dusky, called forth, as it deserved, the admh^ation of 
the whole American people. Major Croghan, together 
with Captain Hunter, Lieutenants Johnson and Baylor, 
and Ensigns Shipp and Duncan (the latter afterwards 
governor of Illinois), of the seventeenth regiment, as 
well as several other ofl&cers and volunteers, were 
highly complimented by General Harrison. They 
also, afterwards, received the thanks of Congress. 
Major Croghan was promoted to the rank of Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel, and was presented w^th an elegant 
sword by the patriotic ladies of Chillicothe. Li Gen- 
eral Harrison's official report of this brilliant affair, 
he said : " It will not be among the least of General 
Proctor's mortifications to find that he has been baf- 
fled by a youth who has just passed his twenty-first 
year. He is, however, a hero worthy of his gallant 
uncle, George R. Clark." * 

When General Harrison was informed of the at- 
tack upon Fort Stephenson, he hesitated, very natu- 
rally, before going to its relief. He was hourly 
expecting considerable reinforcements, but had not 
then a disposable force of more than eight hundred 
men, one-fifth of whom was cavalry, who would have 
been of little service in the thick woods between 
Seneca and Lower Sandusky. The remainder of this 
force was raw recruits, upon whom he did not con- 
sider it safe to rely in such an emergency. He feared 
that to have marched against an enemy several thou- 

* See Appendix (C). 



"WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 103 

sand strong, with such a force, -vvould have resulted in 
its total destruction. He would also in that case be 
compelled to leave one hundred and fifty sick soldiers 
in his camp at Seneca, exposed to the ruthless foe, 
while the public stores at Upper Sandusky, in which 
were included ten thousand barrels of Hour, Avhich 
were indispensable to the main objects of the cam- 
paign, would be equally exposed to the attack of 
Tecumthe and his horde of savages. 

This renowned chief was then lying between Sen- 
eca and Fort Meigs, ready to fall upon either the 
former place or Upper Sandusky the moment General 
Harrison should march to the relief of Fort Stephen- 
son. He was bound, therefore, on correct military 
principles, to retain that position in which he could 
with the most certainty accomplish the best results.'*' 
Confidently relying upon reinforcements before the 
fort could be reduced, he determined to await the 
progress of events for a time, at least. On the night 
of the 2nd of August, that the enemy was retreating, 
and having in the meantime received a reinforcement 
of three hundred Ohio militia, he set out for the fort 
early the next morning, attended by the dragoons, 
and directing the remainder of his disposable force to 
follow under Generals Cass and McArthur. Upon 
arriving at the fort, he was informed by a wounded 
British sergeant, that Tecumthe was in the swamp, 
south of Fort Meigs, ready to attack Upper San- 
dusky, upon the first opportunity. This information 

* Sketches of General Ilan-ison. 

17 



194 THE LIFE OF 

corroborated what he had before heard, and Induced 
him to dh'ect General McArthur, who had not yet 
reached the fort, to return to Seneca with all possible 
dispatch. 

The conduct of the commander-in-chief, in regard 
to the defense of Fort Stephen, having been subject 
to severe criticism by his enemies, the testimony of 
the gallant Major Croghan himself, in reply to these 
disingenuous charges, may be here appropriately in- 
troduced. In a letter to a friend in Cincinnati, dated 
at Lower Sandusky, August 27th, 1813, he wrote as 
follows : 

" I have, w^ith much regret, seen in some of the 
public prints such misrepresentations respecting my 
refusal to evacuate this post as are calculated not 
only to injure me in the estimation of military men, 
but also to excite unfavorable impressions as to the 
propriety of General Harrison's conduct relative to 
this affair. 

" His character as a military man is too well es- 
tablished to need my approbation or support. But 
his public services entitle him at least to common jus- 
tice : this affair does not furnish causes of reproach. 
If public opinion has been hastily misled respecting 
his late conduct, it will require but a moment's cool 
dispassionate reflection to convince them of its pro- 
priety. The measures recently adopted by him, so 
far from deserving censure, are the clearest proofs of 
his keen penetration and able generalship. It is true 
that I did not proceed immediately to execute his 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 1C5 

order to evacuate the post; but this disobedience was 
not (as some Avould wish to believe) the result of a 
fixed determination to maintain the post contrary to 
his most positive orders, as will appear from the fol- 
lowing detail, which is given to explain my conduct. 

" About ten o'clock, on the morning of the 30th 
Tilt., a letter from the Adjutant-General's office, dated 
Seneca Town, July 29, 1813, was handed me by Mc 
Conner, ordering me to abandon this post, burn it, 
and retreat that night to head quarters. On the re- 
ception of the order, I called a council of officers, in 
which it was determined not to abandon the place, at 
least until the further pleasure of the general should 
be known, as it was thought an attempt to retreat in 
open day, in the face of a superior force of the ene- 
my, would be more hazardous than to remain in the 
fort, under all its disadvantages. I therefore wrote a 
letter to the general, couched in such terms as I 
thought were calculated to deceive the enem^', should 
it fall into his hands, which I thought more than 
■probable, as well as to inform the general, should it 
be so fortunate as to reach him, that I would wait to 
hear from him before I should proceed to execute his 
order. This letter, contrary to my expectations, was 
received by the general, who, not knowing what rea- 
sons urged me to write in a tone so decisive, con- 
cluded, very rationally, that the manner of it was 
demonstrative of a most positive determination to 
disobey his orders under any circumstances. I was 
therefore suspended from the command of the fort, 



196 THE LIFE OF 

and ordered to head quarters. But on explaining to 
the general my reasons for not executing his order, 
and my object in using the style I had done, he was 
so perfectly satisfied with the explanation that I was 
immediately reinstated in the command. 

" It will be recollected that the order above al- 
luded to was written on the night previous to my 
receiving it. Had it been delivered to me, as was in- 
tended, that night, I should have obeyed it without 
hesitation. Its not reaching me in time was the only 
reason which induced me to consult my officers on the 
propriety of waiting the general's further orders. 

" It has been stated also that, 'upon my represen- 
tation of my ability to maintain this post, the general 
altered his determination to abandon it.' This is in- 
correct ; no such representation was ever made. And 
the last order I received from the general was pre- 
cisely the same as that first given ; viz., that if I dis- 
covered the approach of a large British force by 
water (presuming they would bring heavy artillery), 
and had time enough to effect a retreat, I was to do 
so ; but if I could not retreat with safety, to defend 
the post to the last extremity. 

" A day or two before the enemy appeared at 
Fort Meigs, the general had reconnoitered the sur- 
rounding ground, and being informed that the hill on 
the opposite side of Sandusky completely commanded 
the fort, I offered to undertake, with the troops under * 
my command, to remove it to that side. The gene- 
ral, upon reflection, thought it best not to attempt it, 



WILLIAM IILNRV HAKUl.'^;u.\. 197 

as he believed that if the enemy again appeared on 
this side of the lake it ^Yould be before the work could 
be finished. 

*' It is useless to disguise the fact, that this fort is 
commanded by the points of high ground around it. 
One single stroke of the eye made this clear to mo 
the first time I had occasion to examine the neighbor- 
hood, with a view of discovering the relative strength 
and weakness of the place. 

" It would be insincere to say that I am not flat- 
tered by the many handsome things which have been 
said about the defense which was made by the troops 
under my command : but I desire no plaudits which 
are bestowed upon me at the expense of General 
Harrison. 

*' I have at all times enjoyed his confidence, so far 
as my rank in the army entitled me to it, and on 
proper occasions received his marked attention. I 
have felt the warmest attachment for him as a man, 
and my confidence in him as an able commander re- 
mains unshaken. I feel every assurance that he will 
at all times do me ample justice ; and nothing could 
give me more pain than to seize upon the occasion to 
deal out their unfriendly feelings and acrimonious dis- 
like ; and so long as he continues (as in my humble 
opinion he has done) to make the wisest arrangements 
and most judicious disposition which the forces under 
his command will justify, I shall not hesitate to unite 
with the army in bestowing upon him that confidence 
17* 



198 THE LirE OP 

which he so richly merits, and which has on no occa- 
sion been withheld. 

" In addition to the above unqualified and mag- 
nanimous approval of General Harrison's conduct by 
one more nearly interested, personally, in the charges 
against him, all the field officers of the army united 
in a cordial approval of his conduct, and in an unqual- 
ified denial of the truth of those charges. Amongst 
others who thus unequivocally and indignantly re- 
pudiated everything like improper conduct in the 
commander-in-chief, in reference to this affair, were 
General Lewis Cass, Colonel Samuel Wells, Colonel 
T. D. Owen, Colonel George Paul, Colonel J. C. 
Boatless, and Lieutenant-Colonel Ball. These two 
documents spontaneously given, and from the highest 
possible authority, must for ever put at rest, at least 
with all generous minds, the censures which partizan 
illib#rality attempted to cast upon his fair name, and 
his military fame." 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 199 



CHAPTER XII. 

Immediately after the termination of the bril- 
liant defense of Fort Stephenson, and the disgraceful 
repulse of the enemy, Tecumthe raised the siege of 
Fort Meigs, and followed Proctor to Detroit, all hopes 
being given up by the enemy of reducing the Ameri- 
can forts, until they could gain the ascendancy on the 
lake. The utmost exertions had been made in the 
meanwhile, by Captain Perry, to complete the naval 
arrangements on Lake Erie. By the 2nd of August, 
the fleet was fully equipped, though some time was 
lost in getting several of the vessels over the bar at 
the mouth of Erie harbor. On the 4th, Captain Perry 
sailed in quest of the enemy, but not meeting him, he 
returned on the 8th. But after receiving a reinforce- 
ment of sailors, he again sailed on the 12th, and on 
the loth anchored in the Bay of Sandusky. Here 
he took in a few volunteer marines, and again sailed 
in search of the enemy, and after cruising off Maiden 
a short time, retired to Put-in-Bay, a distance of 
thirty miles. 

The fleet of Captain Perry consisted of the brig 
'•Lawrence," his flag ship, of twenty guns; the " Ni- 



200 THE LIFE OP 

agara," Captain Elliot, of twenty guns; the ^^ Caledu« 
nian," Lieutenant Turner, of three guns; the schooner 
" Ariel," of four guns ; the " Scorpion," of two guns ; 
the " Somers," of two guns and two swivels ; the sloop 
" Trippe," and the schooners " Tigris" and " Porcu- 
pine," of one gun each, amounting in all to nine ves- 
sels, fifty- four guns and two swivels. 

On the morning of the 10th of September, the 
enemy was bearing down upon the American squad- 
ron, which immediately got under way, and stood 
out to meet him. The Americans had three ves- 
sels more than the British ; but this advantage was 
fully counterbalanced by the size and number of guns 
of those of the enemy. The fleet of the latter consist- 
ed of the "Detroit," Commodore Barclay, of nineteen 
guns ; the " Queen Charlotte," Captain Finnis, of 
seventeen guns ; the schooner " Lady Provost," Lieu- 
tenant Buchan, of thirteen guns and two howitzers ; 
the brig " Hunter," of two guns ; the sloop " Littlo 
Belt," of three guns; and the schooner ''Chippewa," 
of one gun and two swivels ; in all, six vessels, sixty- 
three guns, four howitzers and two swivels. 

When the Americans stood out, the British fleet had 
the weather gage, but the wind soon after changed and 
brought the American fleet to the windward. The 
line of battle was formed at eleven o'clock, and at fif- 
teen minutes before twelve the enemy's flag-ship, and 
the " Queen Charlotte," opened the fire upon the 
" Lawrence," which she sustained for ten minutes 
before she was near enough to return the fire. She 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 201 

continued to hear up, making signals for the other 
vessels to hasten to her support. At five minutes be- 
fore twelve she brought her guns to bear upon the 
enemy. The wind being light, unfortunately the 
smaller vessels could not come up to her assistance, 
and she Avas, therefore, compelled to contend single- 
handed for two hours with two ships, each nearly 
equal to her in force. But the contest was maintained 
by her with unshaken courage, and with a coolness 
which won the highest admiration. 

By this time the " Lawrence" had become entirely 
unmanageable, every gun in her being dismounted, and 
with the exception of four or five, the whole crew either 
killed or wounded. Perry, therefore, determined to 
leave her. With a presence of mind and courage that 
showed forth the praise of the gallant oflScer to whom 
he was opposed, he sprung into his boat, and heroic- 
ally waving his sword passed with his flag unharmed 
to the " Niagara." At the moment he reached the 
''Niagara," the flag of the "Lawrence" came down. 
She was utterly disabled and could make no further 
resistance. Captain Elliot now left the " Niagara" 
with the view of bringing up the rest of the fleet, 
while Perry again bore down upon the enemy in a 
ship that had as yet taken no part in the action. As he 
passed ahead of the "Detroit," "Queen Charlotte" 
and " Lady Provost," he poured into each a broad- 
side from his starboard side, and from his larboard 
poured a broadside into the " Chippewa" and "Little 
Belt." The fire upon the " Lady Provost," was so 



202 THE LIFE OF 

destructive that the men were compelled to take ref- 
uge below. 

At this moment the wind freshened, and the '' Cal- 
edonian" was enabled to come into action, opening a 
heavy fire. Several of the other vessels were soon 
after able to follow her example. For a time this 
action, the result of which was to have so important 
a bearing upon the whole campaign, raged with inde- 
scribable violence. The command of a sea, and the 
honor of two rival nations, as well as the result of a 
campaign, hung upon the issue. But the contest was 
not long doubtful. The "Queen Charlotte" lost her 
Captain, and all her principal officers, and by some 
mischance ran foul of the "Detroit," and thus the 
greater part of the guns were rendered useless. The 
two ships were now in turn compelled to sustain a 
heavy and incessant fire from the " Niagara," and the 
other vessels of the American squadron. The flag of 
Captain Barclay soon struck, and the " Queen Char- 
lotte," the "Lady Provost," the " Hunter,"' and the 
" Chipppewa," surrendered in immediate succession. 
The " Little Belt" attempted to escape, but was pur- 
sued by two gun-boats and was captured.* 

Thus terminated the first naval action between an 
American and a British fleet. Our ships had often 
met and conquered the enemy in single combat, but 
we had never before beaten Great Britain in squad- 
ron. Every vessel of the enemy was captured, and 
the Americans, by this brilliant victory, had acquired 

* Brackenridge. 



WILLIAM TIENUY HARRISON. 203 

absolute command of Lake Erie, and rendered the full 
of Maiden, and the recovery of Detroit, and conse- 
quently of Michigan, almost certain. If anything 
could enhance the brilliancy of this victory, and add 
to the fame of the heroic Perrv, it was the modest 
and ever memorable terms in -which he announced the 
splendid achievement. " We have met the enemy and 
they are ours,'' has become and will remain the watch- 
word of victory, while the Union lasts, and will do 
little less to render immortal the name of Oliver 
Hazzard Perry, than the victory the language was 
designed to announce. 

The loss on both sides, in this engagement, was 
unusually severe, compared with their respective 
forces, though much the heaviest in the British fleet. 
The Americans had twenty-seven killed and ninety- 
six wounded. Amongst the former were Lieutenant 
Brooks of the marines, and Midshipman Laub ; and 
amongst the latter, Lieutenant Yarnall, Sailing-master 
Taylor, Purser Hamilton, and Midshipmen Claxton 
and Swartwout. The loss of the British amounted to 
about two hundred, in killed and wounded, many of 
whom were officers ; and the prisoners, who amounted 
to six hundred, exceeded the whole number of Ameri- 
cans engaged under Perry. After the victory had been 
decided, Commmodore Perry's humane conduct to the 
wounded British soldiers, and his kind consideration to 
his prisoners, was as honorable to his nature as his 
coolness and bravery during the action was to him as 
an officer. It called forth their warmest thanks. Cap- 



204 THE LIFE OP 

» 

tain Barclay declared that " his conduct towards the 
captive officers and men was enough to immortalize 
him." 

Having now by this signal victory over the British, 
and the destruction of their whole fleet, obtained un- 
disputed possession of the lake, active preparations 
were immediately made for expelling Proctor from 
Maiden, and for the recovery of Detroit. General 
Harrison called on Governor Meigs for a portion of 
the Ohio volunteers, who, it has previously been 
stated, had tendered their services to General Harri- 
son ; the whole of whom had not yet been disbanded. 
On the ITth of September, four thousand volunteers, 
the flower of Kentucky, with the venerable and patri- 
otic Governor Shelby, the hero of King's mountain, at 
their head, arrived at General Harrison's camp. 

Thus reinforced, the commander-in-chief deter- 
mined at once to embark the infantry on board the 
fleet for Maiden ; and he directed Colonel Richard 
M. Johnson to proceed with his mounted regiment of 
Kentuckians to Detroit by land. The latter accord- 
ingly took up their line of march, and arrived at the 
point of destination on the 30th of September, the 
day after the infantry. On the 2Tth, the other troops 
embarked on board the vessels, and the next day ar- 
rived at a point below Maiden. But the British gen- 
eral, brave as he was, in making war upon unarmed 
men, declined to wait the approach of the Americans 
at that point. He had therefore destroyed the fleet 
jind public stores, and retreated along the Thames 



/ 



■WILLIAM IIENRV HARRTSOX. 205 

towards the Moravian villages, together with his sav- 
age allies under Tecunithe. Upon arriving at Mai- 
den, a number of females came out to implore the 
protection of the commander-in-chief; but he had 
already given orders that even Proctor himself, if 
taken prisoner, should not be harmed, much less inno- 
cent and unprotected women. Governor Shelby had 
also issued an address to the Kentucky troops, enforc- 
ing it upon them to treat the inhabitants with justice 
and humanity, and to respect private property. On 
the 29th, the army reached Detroit, and took posses- 
sion of that town. It was resolved by General 
Harrison and Governor Shelby to proceed immedi- 
ately in pursuit of General Proctor. 

On the 2nd of October, they marched with a force 
of three thousand selected men, consisting chiefly of 
Colonel Ball's dragoons. Colonel Johnson's mounted 
regiment, and other detachments of Governor Shel- 
by's Kentucky volunteers. Commodore Perry and 
General Cass accompanied General Harrison on this 
enterprise as volunteer aids. On the first day the 
army moved with such rapidity that it traveled twen- 
ty-six miles. The same day they captured a Lieu- 
tenant of dragoons and eleven privates, from whom it 
was ascertained that Proctor had no certain knowl- 
edge of the approach of General Harrison. "While 
repairing a bridge across a branch of the Thames, 
which the enemy had partly destroyed, they were 
attacked by a body of Indians from the other side. 
But they were soon dispersed, and two thousand stand 
18 



206 THE LIFE OF 

of arms and a quantity of clothing taken. They then 
pursued the enemy four miles up the Thames, taking 
several pieces of cannon, and compelling them to de- 
stroy several vessels containing public stores. The 
following day they reached the place where the ene- 
my had encamped the night before. 

General HaTrison ascertained shortly after that 
the British army had made a stand a few miles dis- 
tant, and was preparing for action. General Proctor 
had drawn up his regular forces across a narrow strip 
of land covered with hearth trees, flanked on one side 
by a swamp, and on the other by the River Thames. 
Their left rested on the river, supported by the larger 
portion of their artillery, and their right on the 
swamp. Beyond the swamp, and between it and the 
other morass, still further to the right, were posted 
the Indians under Tecumthe. This position was skil- 
fully chosen by Proctor ; but he committed a fatal 
error in neglecting to fortify his front, and drawing 
up his troops in open order. His whole force con- 
sisted of eight hundred regular soldiers, and two 
thousand Indian warriors.* 

The troops, at General Harrison's disposal, amount- 
ed to about three thousand. But when it is recol- 
lected that the enemy had chosen his own position, 
effectually securing his flank, and that Harrison could 
not present to him a line more extended than his own, 
this disparity of force will be admitted to be nearly 
or quite compensated for, and the superior bravery of 

* Erackenridge. 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 207 

the American troops made apparent. They consisted 
of about one hundred and twenty reguhirs, of the 
twenty-seventh regiment ; live brij2;ades of Kentucky 
volunteer militia infantry, under Governor Shelby, 
averaging less than five hundred men; and Colonel 
Johnson's mounted infantry. No disposition of an 
army, opposed to an Indian force, can be safe, unless 
it can be secured on the flank and in the rear. Gen- 
eral Harrison formed his men in conformity with this 
idea. 

General Trotter's brigade, of five hundred men, 
formed the front line ; his right up the road, and his 
left upon the swamp. General King's brigade formed 
the second line, one hundred and fifty yards in the 
rear of General Trotter's ; and General Child's brig- 
ade, as a corps reserve, in the rear of it. These three 
brigadiers formed the command of Major-General 
Henry. The whole of General Desha's division, con- 
sisting of two brigade?, were formed en potence on 
the left of General Trotter. 

While General Harrison was engaged in forming 
the inftmtry, he had directed Colonel Johnson's regi- 
ment, which was still in front, to be formed in two 
lines opposite to the enemy ; and, upon the advance 
of the infantry, to take ground to the left, and fixing 
upon that flank, endeavor to turn the right of the 
Indians. But from the thickness of the woods, and 
swampiness of the ground, he was convinced that they 
would be unabled to do anything on horseback, and 
there was no time to dismount and place their horses 



208 THE LIFE OP 

in security. He, therefore, determined to refuse his 
left to the Indians, and to break the British lines, at 
once, by a charge of the mounted infantry. This '^-as 
a novel movement in military tactics, suggested by 
General Harrison's good judgment, and one that 
he was satisfied would succeed, from the fact that 
American backwoodsmen ride better in the woods 
than any other people. He was persuaded, too, that 
the enemy would be quite unprepared for the shock, 
and would be unable to resist it. 

In accordance with this plan. General Harrison 
directed the regiment to be drawn up in close columns, 
with its right at a distance of fifty yards from the 
road, that it might be, in some measure, protected by 
the trees from the artillery ; its left upon the swamp, 
and to charge at full speed as soon as the enemy 
delivered their fire. The few regular troops of the 
twenty-seventh regiment, under Colonel Paul, occu- 
pied, in columns of sections four, the small space, 
between the road and the river, for the purpose of 
seizing the enemy's artillery, and some ten or twelve 
friendly Indians were directed to move under the 
bank. The crotchet formed by the first line, and Gen- 
eral Desha's division, was an important point. At that 
place Governor Shelby was posted. 

General Harrison placed himself at the head of 
the front line of infantry to direct the movements 
of the cavalry, and to give them the necessary 
support. The army had moved on in this order, but 
a short distance, when the mounted men received the 



WILLIAM UENRY HARRISON. 209 

fire of the British line and were ordered to charge. 
The horses in the front column recoiled from the fire. 
Another fire was immediately given by the enemy, 
and the cavalry at length, getting in motion, broke 
through them with irresistible force. In one minute 
the contest in front was over. The British ofiicers, 
seeing no hope of reducing their broken and panic- 
struck ranks to order, and the American mounted 
men wheeling upon them and pouring in upon them a 
steady and destructive fire, immediately surrendered. 
Upon the left, however, the contest was more severe 
with the Indians. Colonel Johnson, who commanded 
on the flank of his regiment, received a most galling 
fire from them : but it was returned with great efi*ect. 
The Indians, still further to the right, advanced and 
fell in with our front line of infantry, near its junc- 
tion with General Desha's division, and for a moment 
made an impression upon it. Governor Shelby, how- 
ever, brought up a regiment to its support, and the • 
enemy receiving a severe fire in front, and a part of 
Colonel Johnson's retriment having; gained their rear, 

O CD CD ' 

retreated with precipitation. 

During the action the Indians, under their distin- 
guished leader, Tecumthe, fought with a courage and 
determination which the British troops did not ex- 
hibit. The voice of their great chief could be dis- 
tinctly heard, even above the roar of battle, encour- 
asrins: his warriors to increased efforts ; and althouirh 
beset on every side, except that of the morass, they 
fought with more obstinate bravery than they had 
18* 



210 TEE LIFE OF 

ever exhibited before. Indeed, they only ceased their 
efforts after the fall of Tecumthe, who was killed near 
the close of the action. Colonel Johnson havinfy ob- 
served the desperation with which he and a body 
of warriors who had gathered around him fought, 
charged into the midst of them. His uniform and 
the white horse he rode made him a conspicuous mark 
for Indian rifles, and he almost immediately fell badly 
wounded. Tecumthe meanwhile was killed in the 
melee ; but the Indians continued to fight as fiercely 
as ever for some time, until no longer hearino^ the 
voice of their great leader, they gave way on all 
sides. The contest was now closed, and the Ameri- 
cans had obtained an overwhelmino; victory over the 
marauder Proctor and his far greater and more ma^-- 
nanimous ally, Tecumthe. 

The loss of the British in this enofaj^ement was 
nineteen killed, fifty wounded, and six hundred taken 
prisoners. The Indians left one hundred and twenty 
on the field. The American loss, in killed and wound- 
ed, amounted to upwards of fifty, seventeen of whom 
were Kentuckians. Several pieces of brass cannon, 
the trophies of the revolutionary war, and which had 
been surrendered by General Hull at Detroit, were 
retaken. General Proctor basely deserted his troops, 
almost at the very commencement of the action, thus 
confirming beyond a doubt the proof of his cowardice 
already given by his conduct in murdering disarmed 
prisoners. 

General Harrison immediately ordered Colonel 



I 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON, 211 

Payne to pursue the fugitive with a part of his bat- 
tallion, which was promptly done, and the pursuit 
continued for a distance of six miles beyond the Mo- 
ravian towns, where some Indians were killed, and a 
large amount of public property captured. The pur- 
suit was still continued by several officers, with their 
privates, for several miles, but was arrested by the 
darkness of night. His pursuers, however, pressed 
him so closely that he was obliged to abandon his 
-carriage, which, together with his SAVord and papers, 
fell into their hands, and conceal himself in the forest. 
In communicating to the Secretary of War his 
report of this action, he commended, in the w^armest 
terms, the conduct of his officers and men on the oc- 
casion. Of Governor Shelby especially he spoke in 
terms of the highest admiration, and scarcely less 
"warmly of Generals Henry, Desha, Allen, Caldwell, 
King, Chiles, and Trotter ; of his aids O'Fullen, 
Todd, Perry, Cass, Smith and Chambers ; of Colonel 
Johnson, Payne and Thompson, and of Major Wood 
and Captain Butler, all of whom rendered their coun- 
try good service on that day, as did every officer and 
private in the engagement. Commodore Perry re- 
payed the important aid General Harrison had ren- 
dered him in the battle of Lake Erie. 

It has been well said that, in the signal victory 
gained over Barclay's fleet and Proctor's army, it is 
impossible to separate the brave and victorious com- 
manders. The circumstances are indeed very strik- 
ing. General Harrison sent reinforcements to assist 



212 THE LIFE OF 

Perrj, and the action terminated in the capture of the 
whole British fleet. In return, Commodore Perry 
volunteered with General Harrison, and assisted him 
in the capture of the British army. Perry, himself, 
in writing to General Harrison, bears cheerful testi- 
mony to the valuable aid received from him. He 
says, " the very great assistance, in the action of the 
10th, rendered by these men, you were pleased to 
send on board the squadron, renders it a duty to 
return you my sincere thanks for so timely a rein- 
forcement. In fact, sir, I may say, that without 
those nine, the victory could not have been achiev- 
ed." 

Having now, in conjunction with Commodore Per- 
ry, taken quiet possession of Upper Canada, on the 
17th of October, they issued a proclamation, setting 
forth, that as the combined land and naval forces 
under their command, those of the enemy in the upper 
district of Upper Canada, had been captured or de- 
stroyed, — and as the said district was then in the 
quiet possession of their troops, — it became necessary 
to provide for its government. Therefore, they pro- 
claimed and made known that the rights and privileges 
of the inhabitants, and the laws and customs of the 
country as they existed, or were in force, before their 
arrival, should continue to prevail. All magistrates, 
and all other civil officers, were to resume the exercise 
of their functions, previously taking an oath to be 
faithful to the government of the United States, as 
long as they shall be in possession of the country. 



"WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 213 

The authority of militia commissions was suspended 
in said districts, and the oflficers re([uired to give their 
parole in such way as the officer, who may be ap- 
pointed by the commanding-general to administer the 
government, shall direct. 

The inhabitanis of said districts were promised pro- 
tection to their persons and property, with the excep- 
tion of those cases embraced by the proclamation of 
General Proctor, which was declared to be in full 
force, and the powers therein assumed were transferred 
to the officer appointed. 

An anecdote is related in connection with the battle 
of the Thames, by an eye witness, and indeed by one 
of the parties, showing the painful degree of anxiety 
that the barbarities of Proctor and his Indian blood- 
hounds had created, and the wild enthusiasm that the 
news of the victory caused. In those days mails 
were few and uncertain ; and our citizens eagerly 
hailed every traveler from the AYest for some in- 
telligence of our army. Such was the delay and 
uncertainty, that it was generally believed that Har- 
rison and his armv had, like those before him, been 
defeated and massacred. The narrator of this cir- 
cumstance was, at the time referred to, attending school 
in a log cabin, in "Washington, Pennsylvania, taught 
by an honest and patriotic Irishman. 

One dav while his eyes were wanderinsr out of the 
window, as the eyes of the best disposed scholars 
sometimes will wander, he espied the mail boy, from 
the West, coming at full speed. Soon he reached the 



I) 



214 THE LIFE OP 

log cabin school-house, and as he passed it, he called 
out, " Harrison has whipped the British and the In- 
dians !" The Irish tutor, with as true an American 
heart, as ever beat in human bosom, immediately 
sprang from his seat as the tomahawk of Tecumthe was 
about to be hurled at his head, his eyes flashing fire, 
and exclaimed at the top of his voice, " Boys^ do you 
hear that /" Then siezing his hat, he rushed madly out 
in pursuit of the mail boy, his scholars all at his heels, 
and all exclaiming in the delirium of happy excite- 
ment, " Hurrah for General Harrison !" " God bless 
General Harrison !" In a few moments the whole 
village joined in the glad shout — "Hurrah for Gen- 
eral Harrison ! He has whipped the British and In- 
dians!" 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 216 



CHAPTER XIII. 

The defeat and capture of the British army at 
the battle of the Thames was attended with the most 
important results. It, in reality, finished the work 
which Commodore Perry had so well begun, by his 
glorious victory on Lake Erie, and enabled the com- 
mander-in-chief to rescue the whole north-western 
territory from the depredations of the savages, and 
the horrors of war. The national gratitude burst out 
in one loud voice of applause ; General Harrison was 
complimented by Congress, and by various public 
bodies, and his victory was declared by Langdon 
Cheves, on the floor of Congress, that the victory 
was such as would have secured to a Roman general, 
in the best days of the republic, the honors of a tri- 
umph, and that it put an end to the war in Upper 
Canada. And President Madison, in his next annual 
message, declared, in equally emphatic language, that 
the result was signally honorable to Major-General 
Harrison, by whose military talents the victory was 
won. And again. Governor Snyder, in his annual 
message to the Legislature of Pennsylvania, said, the 
blessings of thousands of women and children rescued 
from the scalping-knife of the ruthless savage of tho 



216 THE LIFE OP 

wilderness, and from the still more savage Proctor, 
rest on Harrison and his gallant army. Such was 
the unanimous opinion of the country upon General 
Harrison's conduct, and of the consequences that must 
flow from the victory of the Thames. 

General Harrison was now in a condition to pro- 
ceed to the Niagara frontier without the risk of a 
repetition of Proctor's outrages, which he accordingly 
did, taking McArthur's brigade ; the rifle regiment, 
under Colonel Wells ; and the battalion, under Colo- 
nel Ball. In this he anticipated the wishes of the 
government. Though he had received no instructions 
from the War Department, since the preceding July, 
his own intricate acquaintance with the condition 
and wants of the country, as well as his superior 
knowledge of the movements of the enemy, and his 
correct military judgment, led him to transfer his 
disposable force to the Niagara straits after he had 
so successfully accomplished the main objects of the 
campaign. The want of necessary provisions, and the 
advanced state of the season, had previously induced 
him and Commodore Perry to abandon, for the pres- 
ent, the expedition against Mackinac. General Cass 
was stationed at Detroit, with his brigade, and the 
civil government of Michigan, and the military oc- 
cupation of Upper Canada was committed to his 
charge.* 

On the 22nd, General Harrison reached Erie, in 
Commodore Perry's fleet, and Bufialo on the 24th of 

* Sketches of General Harrison. 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 217 

OctoLer, and proceeded immediately to Newark, wlierc 
he assumed the command of the troops at that place, 
and also at Forts George and Niagara, then under 
the command of General McClure, of New York. 
AVhile at Newark, he received from General Arm- 
strong, the Secretary of War, a copy of the despatch 
of 22nd September, which had been lost by Captain 
Brown in attempting to pass up the Detroit in Octo- 
ber. This letter suggested to General Harrison the 
propriety of proceeding to the Niagara straits after 
he had secured Maiden and the army under Proctor. 
Another letter received from him, about the same 
time, under date of October 20th, adds the weight of 
his opinion in favor of the course adopted by General 
Harrison, in his operations against Proctor, a subject 
about which there had been some controversy. In a 
letter dated the 30th of the same month,"*the Secreta- 
ry of War recommended to General Harrison, to move 
against the enemy at Burlington Heights, near the 
head of Lake Ontario, the capture or destruction of 
which, he says, would be a glorious finale to the cam- 
paign. 

Greatly to the sui-prise of every one, however, 
four days after this letter was received, he was, in 
elTect, suspended from his command by the same ad- 
ministration which had, up to that time, given him so 
many proofs of its approval of his conduct. On the 
3ru of November, he received a despatch from Gen- 
eral Armstrong, requiring him to send General Mc 
Ai'thur's brigade to Sacket's Harbor, and concluding- 
19 



218 THE LIFE OF 



X 



with the declaration, that he would be permitted to 
make a visit to his family. This General Harrison 
very naturally understood as an order to retire to his 
own district. His letters to General McClure, of No- 
vember 15th, show that he regarded it in this light ; and 
that lie believed it left him no alternative as to the 
disposal of General McArthur's brigade. Immediately 
upon the receipt of this intimation, he accompanied 
the troops to Sacket's Harbor, and thence returned 
to Cincinnati, resuming early in January, 1814, the 
command of the eighth military district. 

Shortly before his departure from Fort George, 
an interesting correspondence took place between 
General Harrison and the British General Vincent, in 
regard to the treatment of prisoners of war. General 
Harrison, after assuring him that he had taken every 
precaution in regard to the prisoners in his hands, he 
adds, with equal force and justice, that he wished it 
distinctly understood, that in these assurances his 
conduct had been directed solely by motives of hu- 
manity, and not by a belief that it could be claimed 
on the score of reciprocity of treatment towards the 
American prisoners who had fallen into General 
Proctor's hands. He continues, that the unhappy 
description of persons who have escaped from the 
tomahawk of the savages, in the employment of the 
British government, who fought under the immediate 
orders of that inhuman and cowardly officer, had 
suifered all the indignities and privations which 
human nature is capable of enduring. He insisted 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 219 

that there was not a single instance in which the pro- 
perty of the officers had not been respected. 

Having thus briefly referred to the past treatment 
of American prisoners, and to the horrid barbarities 
committed by the savages, under the command of 
Proctor, he demanded from General Vincent an ex- 
phcit declaration as to the future, and -vYhcthcr the 
same species of warfare which they had, up to that 
time, practiced against the American troops, and 
against the peaceable inhabitants of our frontiers, 
was to be continued. He recounted a long li.st of 
barbarities of this kind, many of them perpetrated 
under the very eyes of British officers. 

To retaliate, he proceeds to say, upon the sub- 
jects of the king, would have been justifiable by the 
laws of war, and the usages of the most civilized na- 
tions. To do so has been most amply within my 
power. The tide of fortune has changed in our favor, 
and an extensive and flourishing province opened to 
our arms, nor have the instruments of vengeance been 
wanting. The savages, who sued to us for mercy, 
would gladly have shown their claims to it by re-en- 
acting upon the Thames the bloody scenes of French- 
town, Fort Meio;s and Cold Creek. A single siiin 
would have been sufficient to have poured upon the 
subjects of the king their whole fury. The future 
conduct of the British officers will determine the cor- 
rectness of mine in withholdin<]j it. If the savaires 
should again be let loose upon our settlements, I shall 
with justice be accused of sacrificing the interests and 



220 THE LIFE 01 

honor of my country, and the lives of our fellow-citi- 
zens to feelings of false and mistaken humanity. You 
are a soldier, sir, and, as I sincerely believe, possess 
all the honorable sentiments which ought always to be 
found in men who follow the profession of arms. Use 
then, I pray you, your authority and influence to stop 
that dreadful eiBFusion of innocent blood, which pro- 
ceeds from the employment of those monsters whose 
aid is so little to be depended upon, when most need- 
ed, and which can have so trifling an influence upon 
the issue of the war. The effect of their barbarities 
will not be confined to the present generation. Ages 
to come v/ill feel the deep-rooted hatred and enmity 
which they must produce between the two nations. 

I deprecate most sincerely the dreadful alternative 
which will be off'ered to me should it be continued ; 
but I solemnly declare that if the Indians, who re- 
main under the influence of the British government, 
are suffered to commit any depredations upon the dis- 
trict that is committed to my protection, I will remove 
the restrictions which have hitherto been imposed 
upon those who have ofl'ered their services to the 
United States, and direct them to carry on the war in 
their own way. I have never heard a single excuse 
for the employment of savages by your government, 
unless we can credit the story of some British officers, 
having dared to assert that, as we employ Kentuck- 
ians, you had a right to make use of the Indians. 

If such injurious sentiments have really prevailed, 
to the prejudice of a brave, well informed, and virtu- 



1 



WILLIAM IIENllY IIAIIRISON. 221 

ous people, they ^vlU be removed by the representa- 
tions of your officers who were lately taken upon iho 
River Tliamcs. They will inform you, sir, that so far 
from oifering any violence to the persons of their 
prisoners, these savages would not sufler a word to es- 
cape them which was calculated to wound or insult 
their feelings, and this, too, with the sufferings of their 
friends at the River Raisin and the Miami fresh upon 
their recollection. 

In answer to this letter, General Vincent admitted 
that the captured British officers bore full testimony 
to the kind and humane treatment they had received 
from their American captors, but he declined giving 
General Harrison the assurances he required, that he 
would thereafter prevent a repetition of those atroci- 
ties which had rendered Proctor's name forever infa- 
mous, though he pledged himself to endeavor to alle- 
viate as much as possible those who, by the chances 
of war, might fall into his hands. He also expressed 
his desire that no such acts of cruelty might be there- 
after committed, under any pretext. His reply was cau- 
tious and non-committed. Either he felt that he could 
not, or did not wish, wholly to suppress the outrages 
of which General Harrison so indignantly and so 
justly complained. 

General Harrison, it has been seen, returned to 
Cincinnati, after the very extraordinary letter of the 
Secretary of War to him, of December 3rd, and re- 
sumed the command of his military division. The 
course of public opinion, during the winter succeeding 
19* 



222 THE LIFE OP 

his virtual suspension from the command of the north- 
western army, indicated very decidedly the choice of 
the victor of Tippecanoe, Fort Meigs and the Thames, 
as the most suitable officer to be invested with the 
chief command of the army in the next campaign. 
Commodore Perry, General McArthur and other gal- 
lant and experienced officers, expressed the most 
earnest desire that he might be appointed command- 
er-in-chief for the ensuing campaign. But from 
causes which can neither be explained nor justified, 
General Armstrong's feelings and opinions had under- 
gone a remarkable change in regard to General 
Harrison, or at least, his conduct towards him had 
undergone a change not dictated by a regard for the 
interests of the country, or by any sudden light he 
had received in regard to his character and public 
services. His conduct, therefore, in regard to an 
officer, who had so faithfully, so ably, and, above 
all, so successfully discharged his duty to the coun- 
try, and who was, besides, the idol of the army, must 
be attributed as dishonorable to General Armstrong, 
as the consequences growing out of their indulgence 
was injurious to the public service. Nor is the admin- 
istration entirely from just censure for permitting and 
indeed sanctioning an act of such glaring injustice 
to a great and successful, and a pure patriot. 

General Armstrong's plan of the campaign, sub- 
mitted to the President, on the 30th of April, 1814, 
left no doubt that General Harrison would not be 
assigned a command in the active operations of the 



WILLIAM HENRY TiAnnL^.ox. 223 



year. All the troops in the eiglith military dis- 
trict, excepting garrisons for Detroit and Maldcji, 
Avere to be held in readiness to move down t])e 
lake to Euffalo, and General McArtlmr was di-s- 
ignated for the command of those corps, including 
the 17th, 19th, 24th and 28th regiments of reg- 
ulars. Thil^ arrangement of all the disposable 
force in the north-west, while it left General Harri- 
son to remain in the eighth military district, was 
made after the receipt of his letter at the War De- 
partment, of the 13th of February, 1814, in which he 
expressed his views and feelings in regard to his sus- 
pension from his command of the north-western army. 
That letter concludes with the declaration, that apart 
from the considerations of his duty to liis country, he 
had no inducements to remain in the army, and that 
if the prerogatives of his rank and station, as the 
commander of a district, be taken from him, being 
fully convinced that he could render no important ser- 
vice, he should much rather be permitted to retire 
from public life. 

But the Secretary of War w^as not content with 
the degredation he had inflicted upon the brave Har- 
rison, in withdrawing him from his command, and 
withholding him from active service, during the ap- 
proaching campaign. He still persisted in interfering 
with his prerogatives, as the commander of the dis- 
trict. His next unworthy act was to dispatch to 
Major Holmes, a subordinate officer at Detroit,, an 
order to take two hundred men from that port, and 



224 THE LIFE OP 

proceed on board of Commodore Sinclair's fleet, 
destined for Mackinac. This proceeding on the part 
of the Secretary of War was a gross invasion of mili- 
tary propriety, as well as a direct insult to General 
Harrison, whatever may have been the design. 

The order not only passed by the General, but 
was also derogatory to Colonel Croghan, the immedi- 
ate commander of the post. The gallant young offi- 
cer spoke of this conduct ^rlthout reserve, and in a 
letter to General Harrison, he wrote as follows : — 
" Major Holmes has been notified by the War De- 
partment, that he is chosen to command the land troops 
which are destined to co-operate with the fleet against 
the enemy's force on the upper lakes. So soon as 
I may be directed by you, to order Major Holmes on 
that command, and to furnish him with the necessary 
troops, I shall do so. But not till then shall he or 
any other part of my force leave the sod." In anoth- 
er letter to General Harrison, he said, " I know not 
how to account for the Secretary of War's assuming 
to himself the right of designating Major Holmes for 
this command to Mackinac. My ideas on the subject 
may not be correct, yet for the sake of the principle, 
were I a general, commanding a district, I would be 
very far from sufi"ering the Secretary of War, or any 
other authority, from interfering with my internal 
police." 

This order to Major Holmes, would authorize the in- 
ference, that the Secretary of War may have had other 
correspondence with him or other inferior officers of 



WILLIAM UENRY lIAilRISON. 225 

the district. At any rate it was a course of conduct, 
the most insulting and derogatory to a high spirited, 
honorable and patriotic officer, that could have been 
devised, and was, besides, both impolitic and indeli- 
cate. Immediately upon receiving notice of this 
order, he acted as any officer, having a proper regard 
for his honor would have done, and resigned his com- 
mission in the army. Accompanying his resignation, 
was a letter to the President, explaining his motives 
for the step he had taken, at the same time assuring 
him of his continued devotion to the interests of the 
country, and personal and political friendship for 
himself. 

" This measure," he says "has not been determin- 
ed on without a reference to all the reasons which 
should influence a citizen who is sincerely attached to 
the honor and interests of his country ; who believes 
that the war in which we are engaged is just, and ne- 
cessary, and that the crisis requires the sacrifice of 
every private consideration which could stand in op- 
position to the public good. But after giving the 
subject the most mature consideration, I am perfectly 
convinced, that my retiring from the army is as com- 
patible v/ith the claims of patriotism as it is with 
those of my family, and a proper regard for my own 
feelings and home. 

" I have no other motives in writing this letter, 
than to assure you that my resignation Avas not pro- 
duced by any diminution of the interest I have always 
taken in the success of your administration, or of 



226 THE LITE OP 

respect and attacliment to your person. The former 
can only take place "when I forget the republican 
principles in Tvhich I have been educated, and the 
latter when I shall cease to regard those feelings 
which must actuate every honest man, who is con- 
scious of favors which it is out of his power to repay." 

As soon as Governor Shelby understood that Gen- 
eral Harrison had forwarded his resignation, he ad- 
dressed a letter to the President, urging him to decline 
its acceDtance. The President was on a visit to 
Virginia, to which place the letters from General 
Harrison and Governor Shelby Avere forwarded. But 
that of the latter was not received until after the Sec- 
retary of War, without the previous consent of the 
President, had taken upon himself the high preroga- 
tive of accepting the resignation. President Madison 
expressed his great regretthat the letter of Governor 
Shelby had not been received at an earlier date, as in 
that case the valuable services of General Harrison 
would have been preserved to the nation in the ensu- 
ing campaign.* 

The letter from this venerable man, and distin- 
guished soldier, so truly reflected the public sentiment 
of the times, and is withal so highly expressed, and 
so pregnant with patriotic sentiments, that it well de- 
serves the consideration it has received, and to be 
preserved as a permanent record in favor of the con- 
ceded military genius and pre-eminent public services 
of General Harrison. After stating his motives for 

* Sketches of Harrison. 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 227 

writing to the President, to be the interest he felt 
for our beloved country, and his desire to promote the 
public good by all practicable means, he proceeds to 
say: — 

"It is not my intention to eulogize General Harri- 
son. He is not in need of that aid ; his merits are 
too conspicuous not to be observed. But it is my 
intention to express to you, with candor, my opinion 
of the general, founded on personal observation. 

" A rumor has reached this State which, from the 
public papers, appears to be believed, that the com- 
manding general of the northern army, may be re- 
moved from that command. This circumstance has 
induced me to reflect on the subject, and to give a 
decided preference to Major-General Harrison, as his 
successor. Having served a campaign with him, by 
which I have been enabled to form some opinion of 
his military tactics, and capacity to command, I 
feel no hesitation to declare to you, that I believe him 
to be one of the first military characters I ever knew; 
and, in addition to this, he is capable of making great- 
er personal exertions than any officer with whom I 
have ever served. I doubt not, but it will hereafter 
be found, that the command of the north-western army, 
and the various duties attached to it, has been one of 
the most arduous and difficult tasks ever assigned to 
any officer in the United States ; yet he surmounted 
all. 

" Impressed with the conviction, that General 
Harrison is fully adequate to the command of tho 



228 THE LIFE OF 

northern armj, should a change take place in that 
division, I venture thus freely to state my opinion of 
him, that he is a consummate general, and would fill 
this station with ability and honor, and that if, on the 
other hand, any arrangement should take place in the 
war department which may produce the resignation of 
General Harrison, it will be a misfortune which our 
country will have cause to lament. His appointment 
to the command of the northern army would be highly 
gratifying to the wishes of the western people, except 
some who may, perhaps, be governed by sinister 
views. 

*' I confess the first impressions on my mind, when 
informed of the defeat of Colonel Dudley's regiment, 
on the 5th of May last, were unfavorable to General 
Harrison's plans. But on correct information, and a 
knowledge of his whole plans, I have no doubt but 
they were well concerted, and might with certainty 
have been executed, had his orders been strictly obey- 
ed. I mention this subject because Mr. H. Clay 
informed me that he had shown you my letter, stating 
the impressions which that affair made on my mind 
on information that was not correct." 

Thus was lost to the country the services of the 
first inilitary eliaracter of the day — a general who 
never lost a battle, 8.nd in whom not only the army, 
but the whole nation, had the most unlimited confi- 
dence. And this deep injury was inflicted upon the 
country, from no other motive, that has ever been 
discovered, than to the jealousy of a small-minded 



-WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 229 

and malevolent man. But while his attempts to pull 
a great man down to his own level, proved a signal 
failure, he sunk himself so low that his name is 
almost forgotten, or only remembered to be despised. 



230 THE LIFE OP 



CHAPTER XIY. 

Before proceeding with a record of General Har- 
rison's civil and political career, it may be proper to 
complete the chain of military events, transpiring in 
other parts of the country, than upon the theatre of 
his immediate operations. General Wilkinson had 
been appointed commander-in-chief of the American 
forces upon the resignation of General Dearborne. 
The force under his command, on the Niagara, 
amounted to eight thousand regulars, besides those 
under General Dearborne, which were expected to ar- 
rive in the course of the month of October. General 
Wade Hampton was appointed to the command of the 
army of the North, encamped at Plattsburgh, and 
amounting to four thousand men. 

Extensive preparations had been made for the in- 
vasion of Canada,- by General Wilkinson, and on the 
2nd of October, 1813, he left Fort George with the 
principle body of troops, for Grenadier's Island, a 
point of rendezvous convenient for embarkation. On 
the 6th of November, the army landed a few miles 
above Fort Prescott, in Canada, on the St. Lawrence. 
They met with some opposition, and had frequent 



WILLIAM HENRY nARUISOX. 231 

skirmishes with the enemy between their landing and 
the 11th, when a sharp action was fought at a phico 
called Chrystler's Field. Botli parties claimed tho 
victory, though, in reality, neither had the right to 
claim it, and it may properly be called a drawn battle, 
as the enemy soon after retired to their camp, and 
the Americans to their boats. The loss of each was 
also about equal. The Americans had one hundred 
and two killed, and three hundred and thirty-nine 
wounded. Amongst the wounded was the brave Gen- 
eral Covington, who died two days after, and but for 
whoso fall the victory would undoubtedly been with 
the Americans. Several other valuable officers were 
also badly wounded. From the fact that the British 
never again attacked the Americans, it may not be 
too much to say that the advantage of the battle was 
on the side of the Americans. 

At Barnhart, where the army arrived on the 12th, 
information was received which at once put an end 
to all further designs upon IMontreal, the main object 
for which the invasion of Canada was undertaken. A 
fcAV days before the battle of Chrystler's Field, the 
commander-in-chief had sent orders to General Hamp- 
ton, to meet him at St. Regis. But this order he de- 
clined to execute, owing to the scantiness of General 
Wilkinson's supply of provisions, and the impossibility 
of his transporting a larger quantity of provisions 
than a man could carry on his back. He therefore 
determined to open a communication with the St. 
Lawrence and Chateaugay. With a view to a readier 



232 THE LIFE OF 

co-operation with the commander-in-chief in his con- 
templated attack upon Montreal, he had descended the 
Chateaugay River from Plattsburgh with the forces 
under his command. But he was thwarted in his at- 
tempt by General Provost, and, by the advice of his 
officers, determined to retreat to a place he had occu- 
pied some days before, called the Four Corners, 
where he arrived on the last day of the month. Hav- 
ing by this movement diverted the attention of the 
enemy from the army of General Wilkinson, he fell 
back to a position where he could with greater facility 
make his way to the St. Lawrence. It was from this 
point that he dispatched the letter to the commander- 
in-chief already mentioned. 

Upon the receipt of this information, a council of 
officers was called by General Wilkinson, by whom it 
was determined that the objects of the campaign were 
no longer attainable. It was therefore resolved to 
quit the Canada side of the St. Lawrence, and 
go into winter quarters at French Mills, on Salmon 
Hiver. General Hampton followed his example, and 
soon after, in consequence of indisposition, resigned 
his command to General Izard. Thus terminated 
a campaign which had excited the highest expecta- 
tions of the country, and which created disappoint- 
ment and dissatisfaction in proportion to these san- 
guine hopes. The failure of the enterprise was 
attributed to inability of General Hampton to co-op- 
erate with General Wilkinson, and the mischievous 
interference of the Secretary of War, who was on the 



WILLIAM HENllY HAUIUSON. 231] 

grouiul, siipcrlntciidlng the operations of tlie cam- 
j)aigii, ambitious to j)rove to the country how much 
moil' c<>in})etent he was to bring the war to a ghjrious 
termination than (Icneral Ilarrison, whom his envy 
had driven from tlie service. 

Commodore Chauncey, meanwhile, was not idle 
on Lake Ontario. lie used all his exertions to bring 
the British squadron, Sir James Yeo, to an engage- 
ment, but was unable to do so, owing to the poor sail- 
ing qualities of his vessels. On the 7th of September, 
however, he got within sufificient distance of the ene- 
my to open a running fire upon him by which consid- 
erable injury was effected. He then took refuge in 
Amherst Bay, and was there blockaded until the 
ITth. About the middle of October, he captured five 
British armed schooners, on board of which were a 
considerable number of soldiers. The same day the 
British fleet took refuge in Kingston, and Commodore 
Chauncey remained master of the lake during the re- 
mainder of the season. 

On the 19th of December, the British surprised 
I'^ort Niagara, through the shameful negligence of 
Captain Leonard, the commanding officer, and put 
the whole garrison, amounting to three hundred, prin- 
cipally invalids, to the sword. This act of barbar- 
ity was alleged to have been committed in retaliation 
for the burning of Newark, a village on the Canada 
side of the Niagara, which was destroyed a short time 
before. The destruction of Lewistown, Buffalo and 
other places, followed rapidly upon the heels of this 
20* 



234 THE LITE OT 

outrage, all in retaliation for an act that had proinpt- 
]j been disavowed by the American government. And 
even if it had not been, there was no further outrage 
committed at Newark than simply burning the village 
after the inhabitants had been given notice to remove 
their effects. Thus virtually closed the campaign at 
the North. 

At the South the war was prosecuted during the 
summer, principally by the Indians, wdth great fero- 
city — or rather they had began hostilities with a de- 
termination to wage it to the knife. They had been 
induced to declare w^ar, especially the Creeks, through 
the machinations of the British. Their first act of 
hostilities was against Fort Mims, one of a line of 
posts, that the inhabitants had hastily thrown up on 
the various branches of the Mobile. This place was 
surprised towards the last of August. After a bloody 
contest, however, they withdrew, but soon again re- 
newed the attack, the fort w^as carried and every per- 
son in it put to death. Not a man, woman, or child 
was spared. In retaliation for this wholesale massa- 
cre. General Coffee, of Tennessee, was sent against Tul- 
lushatches, a Creek town, and two hundred of the war- 
riors were killed, and three hundred women and chil- 
dren taken prisoners. On the 8th of November, five 
days after, another action took place betw^een General 
Coffee and a large body of Indians, at Fort Talla- 
dega. The Indians were defeated with a loss of about 
three hundred more. On the 17th, he surprised a 
town containing three hundred warriors, sixty of 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 235 

whom were killed, and the rest taken prisoners. The 
Georgia militia, under General Floyd, also advanced 
into the Creek country, and defeated them in several 
engarroments. 

On the ITth of January, 1814, General Andrew 
Jackson, with a view of making a diversion in favor 
of General Flovd, marched to the relief of Fort 
Armstrong. On the 21st, his cnmp Avas vigorously 
attacked by a large force. But they were soon re- 
pulsed, and compelled to fly. Finding himself but 
poorly supplied with provisions. General Jackson 
thought it advisable to retreat. The next mornino; 
he fell into an ambuscade. But he had anticipated 
it, and made such admirable arrangements for meeting 
it, that the Indians were repulsed at great loss. lie 
now continued his retreat without molestation. 

General Floyd in the meanwhile continued his 
operations against the savages. On the 2Tth of Jan- 
uary, he was attacked at Fort defiance, by a very 
large body of them ; but he repulsed them with 
severe loss. Often as they had been defeated, how- 
ever, and desperate as their condition seemed to be, 
they determined to make one more desperate effort to 
change the fortune of war ; and they accordingly 
made their last stand at a place called Horse Shoe 
Bend, on the Tallapoosa River. Across the neck of 
the peninsula, formed by the curve of the river, they 
erected a breast-Avork, five feet high, and of great 
strength, with a double row of port-holes artfully 
arranged. Here they imagined themselves perfectly 



236 THE LIFE OP 

secure ; but they were doomed to a sad disappoint' 
ment. After a dreadful conflict, as bloody as it was 
short, the Indians were totally defeated and cut to 
pieces. So well had General Jackson taken his meas- 
ures, that not more than fifty made their escape, while 
five hundred and fifty-seven were killed, besides those 
who were thrown into the river by their friends or 
drowned in attempting to fly. Jackson's loss in killed 
was only forty-nine, including twenty-three friendly 
Indians, and one hundred and fifty-two wounded, in- 
cluding forty-seven friendly Indians. This decisive 
victory ended the Creek war. In the course of the 
following summer General Jackson dictated a peace 
to the Creeks, on severe terms. 

The campaign of 1814 was opened at the North 
by an unsuccessful attack, under General Wilkinson, 
upon a considerable body of British at La Colle Mill, 
three miles from Rouse's Point. In this afi"air the 
Americans lost one hundred and forty in killed and 
wounded. The disastrous termination of this attack, 
together with the complete failure of the last cam- 
paign, brought General Wilkinson into such disrepute 
that the administration yielded to the popular voice, 
and suspended him from his command. The army 
was placed under the command of General Izard. 
General Wilkinson was subsequently tried and hono- 
rably acquitted. 

A warm contest was now begun for superiority on 
Lake Ontario. The British had commenced the con- 
struction of a large ship for the purpose of inclining 



1 



WTLMAM ITENllY HARRISON. 237 

it to their side. For the purpose of maintaiuing as 
near as possible an equality of force, Commodore 
Chauncej had also commanded the construction of an 
additional one. Frequent attempts •were made by 
each party to destroy these v »ssels, but they all fail- 
ed. The British then attempted to destroy the rig- 
ging designed for the American ship, -which was at 
Oswego. For this purpose they made a desperate 
attack on this place, on the Gth of May, but were 
gallantly repulsed. The following day the attack 
was renewed from their fleet, and two thousand men 
marched under General De Waterville, who succeeded 
in gaining the shore, though bravely resisted by Lieu- 
tenant Pierce. The Americans, finding that further 
resistance would be useless, fell back to Oswego Fall, 
whither the naval stores, for which the British had 
been to so much trouble, had previously been remov- 
ed. The English lost in the attack two hundred and 
thirty-five men, in killed and wounded. To compen- 
sate them for so much blood they obtained the cannon 
of the fort, a few barrels of provisions, and some 
whiskey. The next morning the enemy evacuated 
the place. 

After an attack upon Pultneyville, in which they 
were repulsed by General Swift, of the New York 
militia, the enemy's fleet blockaded Sacket's Harbor, 
cutting ofl' all communication between that port and 
other places on the lake. But when he heard that 
the new American ship, " Superior," had received her 
equipment from the interior, he raised the blockade 

"■ "^^nrned to Kingston. 



238 THE LIFE OF 

On the 28th of May, a large party of British 
were drawn into Sandy Creek, where they were sud- 
denly attacked by Captain Woolsey, several gun- 
boats and articles captured, and several naval offi- 
cers, and one hundred and thirty men, taken prison- 
ers. They had been sent out to capture a quantity 
of naval stores, bound for Oswego, and destined for 
the " Mohawk," another new American ship. This loss 
was the more severe to the British, as it gave the 
Americans once more the command of Lake Ontario. 
This was the only event of much consequence that 
transpired either on Lakes Erie, Ontario, or Cham- 
plain, until late in the season. 

The operations on land were of comparatively 
little consequence, until near mid-summer, though 
several skirmishes took place, and some enterprises 
in which great gallantry and good conduct was dis- 
played. In a skirmish on the border of Lake Erie, 
Major Forsyth, a valuable officer, lost his life. He 
made an invasion to Oldtown, and attacked a body of 
British, killing nineteen of them, but lost his own life. 
Another affair was an incursion into Canada, by 
Colonel Campbell, who destroyed a number of private 
dwellings, together with some mills and distilleries. 
For this act he was court-martialed and censured. 

But the most gallant affair that signalized the 
opening of the campaign was the defense made by 
Captain Holmes against a greatly superior force of 
British and Indians. On the 21st of February, 1814, 
he was dispatched by Captain Butler, who was in 






WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 239 

commnnd at Detroit, at the head of one liundred and 
sixty rangers, against a body of the enemy who had 
assembled at a village about fifteen miles from Detroit. 
Not knowing the strength of the enemy, lie took up 
a strong position, which he felt confident of being able 
to defend until he should ascertain. He was soon 
after attacked on all sides by the British and Indians. 
But he and his men defended themselves with a cour- 
age, judgment and resolution, scarcely, if any, inferior 
to that of Fort Stephenson by Major Croghan. After 
several ineffectual efforts to dislodge him, the enemy 
finally retreated in disorder, having lost sixty-five in 
killed and wounded, besides Indians. 

The British kept up a formidable squadron before 
the ports of New York, New London and Boston, and 
the whole eastern coast was exposed to their ravages. 
Eastport was captured by Sir Thomas Hardy, and 
the inhabitants compelled to take the oath of allegi- 
ance to the British crown. It was afterwards decided, 
however, that they should be considered and treated 
as conquered people, and placed under a military 
government. The place was soon after strongly for- 
tified, and remained in the possession of the enemy 
until the close of thQ war. During the summer the 
British conquered, or rather entered upon the peace- 
able possession of all that part of Maine, east of the 
Penobscot, and was, like Eastport, retained until the 
end of the war. 

Our gallant little navy won even higher honors 
this year than since the war commenced. Commo- 



240 THE LIFE OF 

dore Porter completed his successful course in the 
Pacific. From April until October 1813, he captured 
twelve armed British whale ships, carrying in all one 
hundred and seven guns, and three hundred and two 
men. Having after these exploits thoroughly re- 
paired his ship, the "Essex," he arrived at Valpa- 
raiso, on the 12th of January, 1814. While here, 
Commodore Hillyer arrived off the harbor in the 
"Phoebe," accompanied by the " Cherub," in pursuit 
of him. After trying in vain to bring these vessels 
into action singly. Commodore Porter attempted to 
escape. But he failed in the effort, and was finally 
captured, after making the most desperate resistance 
on record. His ship was almost literally cut to pieces, 
and a large portion of his crew were killed, wounded 
or missing. He was permitted to return to the Uni- 
ted States on parole. But upon arriving off the port 
of New York he was brought to by a British vessel, 
and his parole taken from him. He, however, suc- 
ceeded in efiecting his escape, and arrived safely in 
New York. 

On the 29th of April, an engagement took place 
between the American sloop of war " Peacock," and 
the British brig of war, "Epervier." After an action 
of forty-two minutes she struck her flag. In July 
following, the American sloop of war, "Wasp," cap- 
tured the British brig "Reindeer," after a desperate 
engagement, in which the "Reindeer" lost half her 
crew, and the ship was nearly destroyed. Not long 
after the " Wasp" had an engagement with the British 



-WILLIAM riKNRY ITARRL^ON. 241 

brig "Avon," ^vliich sunk almost before her crew 
could be removed. On the iJlst of September she 
captured another prize, a British brig of eighteen 
guns. This was the last ever heard of the " Wasp," 
or her gallant commander, and she undoubtedly foun- 
dered at sea, carrying down with her every soul on 
board. 

A single check to the almost uninterrupted series 
of naval victories, which had crowned our efforts at 
sea, occurred in the loss of the "President," Commo- 
dore Decatur, by a British fleet of three ships of war. 
But this loss was more than compensated by the 
capture of the "Cayenne" and "Levant," by the 
" Constitution," Commodore Stewart, on the 20th of 
February, 1815, and the capture of the British brig 
"Penguin," by the "Hornet," captain Biddle. 

Several gallant exploits signalized the American 
privateers. Amongst the most remarkable of these 
was the defense made by the privateer "Armstrong," 
in the Spanish port of Fa^^al, where she had taken 
refuge from a British squadron. The "Armstrong" 
was first attacked by four boats filled with men, and 
upon these being compelled to haul ofi*, a second at- 
tack was made with twelve or fourteen boats, manned 
by several hundred men. They were suffered to ap- 
proach almost along side, when so destructive a fire 
was opened, that in forty minutes scarcely a man of 
them was left. The next day, finding it useless to 
continue the contest, the captain of the " Arnstrong" 
removed his men to the shore, and sunk his vessel. For 
21 



242 THE LIFE OF 

her loss a claim was preferred by our government 
against Spain, which came near involving the two 
countries in a serious difficulty in 1850, and which has 
but recently been adjusted. The British loss amounted 
to one hundred and twenty killed and one hundred 
and thirty wounded. 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 243 



I 

TV 



CHAPTER XV. 

On the Niagara frontier, tlie first important move- 
ment was the recapture of Fort Eric by General Scott. 
The next movement was against General Rial], who 
occupied an entrenched camp at Chippewa. General 
Brown succeeded in drawing the British General into 
an engagement on the plains of Chippewa, on the 5th 
of July. The field was bravely contested on both 
sides, but the Americans carried off the palm of vic- 
tory ; and after an action of something over an hour, 
the enemy retired, first, until he reached the sloping 
ground that lead to Chippewa, and from that point he 
fled in confusion to his intrenchments. In proportion 
to the numbers engaged in the battle, the loss on both 
sides was very severe. That of the Americans in 
killed, wounded and missing, was three hundred and 
thirty-eight. The total loss of the British amounted 
to five hundred and five. In this action, which filled 
the country with the greatest joy. General Scott es- 
pecially distinguished himself, and contributed very 
largely to the brilliant result of the battle. 
J Immediately after this victory, the American ar- 
" my moved forward and encamped at Queenstown. 
At his own request, he was detached from this point 



244 THE LIFE OF 

with one hundred and twenty men to reconnoiter Fort 
George. On his arrival in the neighborhood he sur- 
prised and captured a small body of British, one of 
whom, after having asked and received quarter, sud- 
denly raised his piece and mortally wounded General 
Swift. He instantly killed the assassin. 

After remaining a short time at Queenstown, Gen- 
eral Brown retreated to Chippewa. General Riall 
immediately took post at that place, upon the Ameri- 
can army's evacuating it. The British General was 
extremely mortified at the disgraceful defeat he had 
met with at Chippewa, and was resolved, if possible, 
to retrieve his credit ; and, with this view, he had 
collected a large reinforcement from Burlington and 
other points. The American commander was not un- 
willing to afford him a speedy opportunity to prove 
his boasted superiority. General Scott was accord- 
ingly dispatched towards Queenstown. He discovered 
General Riall on the Niagara, at Lundy's Lane, a 
position of great strength, where he had planted a 
battery of nine pieces of cannon. He was immedi- 
ately attacked, with consummate bravery, by General 
Scott and the force under his command, though the 
British force was more than double that of his. 

The battle that followed was one of the most 
fiercely and obstinately contested of any during the 
whole war, or perhaps that ever w^as fought. The 
enemy felt that he had a" shattered reputation to re- 
cover, and the Americans that they had their country 
and their honor to defend, and both therefore fought 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 245 

as though the last hopes of cither (lej)en(le<l upon the 
issue. The action lasted for several hours, and only 
torrniiiated when the two armies had become so ex- 
iiausted that they could fi;::^ht no lon«^cr. The number 
of the British engaged in the action amounteil to 
about five thousand, while the Americans was less 
than three thousand. 

The loss was about equal on each side, that of the 
Americans being eight hundred and fifty-one in killed 
and wounded, while the enemy's was eight hundred 
and seventy-eight, being a difference of only twenty- 
seven. The victory was claimed by the British, as 
usual, but with little show of reason. Their artillery 
was captured, and they were three times repulsed in 
attempting to recover it, and were finally compelled 
to abandon them altogether. They were afterwards 
abandoned by the Americans, for want of ability to 
remove them, and upon this circumstance the enemy 
founded his claim to a victory. But it is clear that 
many such victories w^ould have totally ruined the 
British cause in America. In the action. General 
BroAvn and also General Scott were badly wounded ; 
and the British General Riall, and the aid to General 
Drummond, were taken prisoners. The next day the 
Americans retreated to Fort Erie, having only fifteen 
hundred men left fit for service, while the British 
force, who had received a reinforcement of one thou- 
sand, amounted to five thousand strong. 

The enemy now prepared to attack Fort Erie, which 
was little more than an unfinished redoubt, and consid- 
21* 



246 THE LIFE OF 

ered almost indefensible. On the 3rd of August, little 
more than a week after the battle of Lundy's Lane, 
or Niagara, he appeared before that port with his 
whole force, amounting to more than five thousand. 
On the night of August 14th, an assault was made 
upon the Fort. The enemy, however, were repulsed 
at all points with great slaughter. Three days after, 
the assault was renewed with more ferocity than ever. 
On the 28th, having been in the meantime considera- 
bly reinforced, the siege was continued w^ith great 
zeal until the 17th of September, when General Brown 
resolved upon making a sortie for the purpose of de- 
stroying the enemy's works. The design was exe- 
cuted, and proved abundantly successful, and in a few 
hours the labor of the enemy was entirely destroyed, 
their cannon captured, and upwards of a thousand 
of the enemy killed, wounded, and taken prisoners. 
This was so severe and expensive a lesson for the 
British, that they immediately after raised the siege 
and retreated to Fort George. 

Some time in October, General Bissel was de- 
tached with nine hundred men to the enemy's stores, 
at Cook's Mills, or Lyon's Creek. While on his 
march to perform this duty, his camp was assailed by 
the Marquis of Tweeddale, at the head of twelve hun- 
dred men. But he met with so severe a reception 
that he retreated in great confusion, after a brief con- 
test, leaving his dead and wounded in his flight. Im- 
modiately after this repulse, it was resolved to destroy 
Fort Erie and evacuate Upper Canada in consequence 



WILLIAM HENRY HARKISON. 247 

of till' advanced state of the season. This was ac- 
cordiii<i;ly done, and the American army went into 
winter (quarters at iUiflalo, Uhick lioek, and at Ba- 
tuvia. Thus ended tlie third invasion of Canada. 

On the Athmtic coast and towards the South, 
events of considerable importance meanwliile liad 
transpired. The eneniv had for some time been 
threatening Bahmior^jind Washington, the defense 
of which Avas committed to General Winder. On the 
lOtli of August, the enemy, under General Koss, 
landed at Benedict, the head of frigate navigation on 
the Patuxent, to the number of six thousand, and on 
tlic -1st, took up his march for Washington, the point 
now ascertained to be his destination. The British 
were first encountered at Bladensburgh, and some 
stand made against them. But after an irregular sort 
of a contest, in which the militia acted very badly, the 
Americans were defeated. A portion of the Ameri- 
can troops, however, fought with great bravery, espe- 
cially the Washington City and Georgetown militia, as 
the loss of the British Avill attest. Their killed, wound- 
ed and missing, on the occasion, was but little short of 
one thousand men, while the Americans had less than 
one hundred killed, and one hundred and twenty 
taken prisoners. 

Tlie defeat of General Winder placed the Ameri- 
can metropolis at the mercy of General Ross, and on 
the 24th of August he arrived in AVashington. Imme- 
diately after he reached the city, he ordered the Pres- 
i'lcnt's house and the national capitol, two of the most 



248 THE LII'E OF 

beautiful specimens of architecture in America, to be 
burned. The great bridge across the Potomac was 
also destroyed. This act of Vandalism reflected eter- 
nal disgrace on the character of General Ross and 
Admiral Cockburn, by whose order it was perpe- 
trated, and little less dishonor on the British name* for 
virtually sanctioning so barbarous and wanton an out- 
rage. In this conflagration the valuable library of 
Congress was wholly consumed. All the public build- 
ings, except the Patent Oflice, shared the same fate 
as the Capitol and the President's House. On the 
following day, after this chivalrous performance, the 
vandal perpetrators retreated from the city, while a 
small division of his army plundered Alexandria, and 
committed sundry other depredations. In one of their 
skirmishes at Moor's Fields, with some militia, Sir 
Peter Parker was mortally wounded, and died shortly 
after. 

The capture of Washington filled full to overflow- 
ing the cup of indignation against General Arm- 
strong, the Secretary of War, and he was soon after 
forced to resign, to avoid being removed, a punishment 
richly deserved for his treatment of General Harri- 
son, as well as for his neglect to guard against the 
calamity that befel the Capitol. 

Active preparations were now made for the de- 
fense of Baltimore. The disgraceful conduct of the 
British, at Washington, was received with one feeling 
of indignation throughout the country, and all sec- 
tions of it resolved to lay aside the differences until they 



!' 



AVITJJAM Hr.NUY IIAIUIISON. 210 

had piuiislied the insolent inv;i(hM\ It was ch^ar that 
the next ohjcct of attack would bo U.iltiinore, as on 
the 11th of September, Admiral Cockran appeared at 
the iiioiitli of the Tatapsco, about fourteen miles from 
that city. On the next day, General Ross landed at 
North Point, at the head of six thousand troops, and 
took up his march for Baltimore. An action took 
place the same day, in ^vhich the Americans were 
worsted, and compelled to retreat, thouj^di the British 
General Ross was killed. The next day the British 
appeared before Baltimore, in front of the Ameri- 
can lines. On the 13th, the enemy had brought six- 
teen pieces of cannon within a sufficient distance of 
Fort McIIenr}^, which commanded the entrance to 
the harbor, to commence a tremendous bombardment, 
which continued until the next morning. Having sig- 
nally failed in their attack upon the fort, all further 
attempt upon Baltimore was abandoned, and the 
enemy commenced a retreat even while the bombard- 
ment was continued. 

Admiral Cockran soon after retired to the West 
Indies with his whole fleet, with the view of awaiting 
reinforcements from England. He not only abandon- 
ed the idea for the present of attacking any other 
cities or large towns, but withdrew all the vessels of 
his squadron which had been engaged in marauding 
expeditions into the country along the coast. 

The operations of the American army at the North 
were attended with some results of a most brilliant 
character. At the beginning of September, the Britr 



250 THE LIFE OP 

ish invaded New York, for the purpose of destroying 
the American army at Plattsburgh, and the subjuga- 
tion of the country as far as Crown Point and Ticon- 
deroga. Early in September the enemy occupied 
Plattsburgh, opposite the American works, where they 
calmly awaited the co-operation of the British fleet 
on Lake Champlain. But the fleet soon found other 
matters to attend to than aiding to capture the Amer- 
ican army. On the 11th of September the Amer- 
ican fleet, under Commodore McDonough, and the 
British fleet under Captain Downie, were moored 
abreast of each other in Cumberland Bay. The num- 
ber of guns in the battle amounted to ninety-five, and 
one thousand men, while in the American fleet the 
number of guns was only eighty-six, and eight hun^ 
dred men. The action commenced a little past nine 
o'clock, on the morning of the 11th, and continued to 
rage for two hours, when the guns of the enemy were 
silenced, and most of his vessels surrendered to Com- 
modore McDonough. The loss of the Americans was 
fifty-two killed and fifty-eight wounded ; and that of 
the enemy eighty-four killed and one hundred and 
ten wounded. 

About the same time the action between the two 
fleets commenced ; the British General at Plattsburgh 
commenced a vigorous bombardment upon the Amer- 
ican works, which was returned with equal vigor by 
the Americans. The action continued until dusk. 
But after witnessing the surrender of their fleet on 
the lake, their efforts somewhat slackened, and, as 



WILLIAM HENRY IIAIIIIISON. 251 

soon as night set in, they commenced a hasty retreat, 
leaving behind their sick and wounded, besides a large 
({uantity of military stores. The loss of the British 
ill killed, wounded and deserters, in this action, 
was fifteen hundred, and their loss in the naval action 
was little less than a thousand men. The American 
loss was very trifling, compared witli that of the en- 
emy. By tlie glorious termination of these two ac- 
tions, the Americans obtained the complete connnand 
of Lake Champlain, and the British invasion of New 
York was happily defeated. With the defeat of het 
enemy at Plattsburgh, and the entire destruction of his 
fleet on the lake, closed the campaign and the war at 
the North. 

While these events were taking place at the North, 
and along the Atlantic coast, the war was prosecuted 
with vigor at the South. In the month of August, 
several British ships of war arrived at Pensacola, then 
a Spanish port, and took possession of the forts 
with the assent of the authorities, and fitted out an 
expedition against Fort Bowyer or Mobile Bay, and 
commanding its harbor. But after the loss of a ship 
of war, and a large number of men, the armament re- 
turned to Pensacola. General Jackson, who then com- 
manded at the South, after having in vain remonstra- 
ted with the authorities for aflbrding shelter to the 
enemies of the United States, marched against the 
town, captured it, and compelled the British to evac- 
uate Florida. Upon returning from this enterprise, 
he ascertained that the enemy was making extensive 



252 THE LIFE OP 

preparations for invading Louisiana, and attacking 
New Orleans. He immediately repaired to that city, 
and by his energetic efforts put it in a complete state of 
defense, restored confidence amongst the citizens, or- 
ganized the militia, and finally proclaimed martial law, 
a measure justified by necessity, though clearly a vio- 
lation of the constitution. 

On the 5th of December, a large British squadron 
appeared off the harbor of Pensacola, and on the 
10th, entered Lake Borgue, the nearest avenue of 
approach to New Orleans. Here a small squadron 
of American gun-boats was attacked, and after a 
brave resistance compelled to surrender. On the 
22nd of the same month, two thousand five hundred 
of the enemy reached the Mississippi, nine miles be- 
low New Orleans. Here they were surprised and lost 
four hundred men, though they succeeded in repelling 
the attack. General Jackson now retired to his in- 
trenchments, which were vigorously cannonaded on 
the 28th of December, and the 1st of January, but 
without success. 

General Packenham, the British commander-in- 
chief, however, advanced with his whole force, amount- 
ing to twelve thousand men, against the American 
lines on the 8th of January, 1815. 

Entrenched behind his breastwork of cotton bales, 
General Jackson, at the head of six thousand troops, 
principally militia, calmly awaited the onset of this 
vastly superior force, reserving his fire until the en- 
emy should approach within reach of his battery. 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISOX. 253 

Then, however, he opciuMl upon tlicm a most tem])ly 
destructive fire from his cannons, cuttin«^ ^vide open- 
ings in their ranks. l>ut tliey continncd steadily t(j 
advance, until Avitliin reacli of the American mus- 
ketry and rifles, Avlien even a more fatal shower of 
balls was poured in upon them than from the batter- 
ies, and they were literally mowed down l)y scores 
and by hundreds. The plain was covered with the 
dead and dying, and the enemy finally gave way. 
No flesh and blood could stand such dreadful volleys. 
In attempting to rally them. General Peckenham was 
killed, and General Gibbs, the second in command, 
fell mortally wounded, and General Keene severely. 
The enemy now fled in the wildest confusion from 
this certain death, and no attempt was made to rally 
them a second time. General Lambert, upon whom 
the command now devolved, therefore retreated to 
his camp, leaving seven hundred dead on the field, 
and one thousand w^ounded. The Americans lost six 
in killed and seven wounded. The whole British 
army, immediately after this terrible defeat, hastily 
withdrew to their ships. In this whole expedition 
the British loss amounted to full three thousand men. 
The battle of New Orleans was the only action of any 
importance that was fought, and may be said to have 
ended the war in a blaze of glory, as it ended the 
campaign at the South, as Plattsburgh and Cham- 
plain had at the North. News of the peace which 
was concluded by the treaty of Ghent, on the -4th of 
22 ^ 



254 THE LIFE OF 

DecemlDer, 1814, was soon after received, and hostil- 
ities ceased. 

The commissioners on the part of Great Britain, 
by whom the treaty was concluded, were Lord Gam- 
bier, Henry Goulburn and William Adams ; and John 
Quincy Adams, James R. Bayard, Henry Clay, Jon- 
athan Bissel and Albert Gallatin, on the part of the 
United States. According to its stipulations, all 
places taken during the war, or after the signing of 
the treaty, were to be mutually restored, and all cap- 
tures at sea made with a certain time thereafter, ac- 
cording to the latitude in which they were made. 
Every attempt was to be made by the two govern- 
ments to put a stop to Indian hostilities, and to 
extinguish the traffick in slaves. The greater part of 
the treaty, hov,^ever, related to the adjustment of the 
boundaries between the United States and the British 
territories, which were imperfectly defined by the 
treaty of 1783. The subject of impressment, which 
was one of the leading causes of the war, paper block- 
ades, orders in council, and the rights of neutral flags, 
were passed over in silence. 

But though these questions were left unsettled, 
the right of impressment was virtually abandoned by 
the British Government, and has never been asserted 
since she had been made to feel our strength, and to 
respect our power. Especially had she been taught 
that she was no longer the undisputed mistress of the, 
seas. The loss of two thousand merchant ships, the 
many millions added to her public debt, the numer- 



WILLTA^I HENRY IIARllISON. 255 

oiis vessels of war that liad boon compelled to strike 
their tlairs to the Americans, as ^yc\\ as the battles of 
the Thames, Qucenstown, Chippewa, Nia<;ara, Platts- 
burgli, New Orleans, and numerous other bloody fields, 
had effectually checked her insolent bearing towards 
the United States. It is probably the last attempt 
that Great Britain will make to recover the "jewel" 
that was torn from the crown of George III, by his 
own folly and the wickedness of his ministers. 

The history of General Harrison's career will now 
be resumed. 



256 THE LIFE OP 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Upon resigning his commission in the army, for 
causes which have been fully explained, and which 
amply justified him in the eyes of the country, he retir- 
ed to his farm at North Bend, fifteen miles below Cin- 
cinnati, in 1814. Here he resumed those peaceful pur- 
suits which were so much more congenial to his tastes 
and inclinations than the strife and turmoil of war. If 
he had preferred his own interests to that of his coun- 
try, he might have retained his position in the army, 
and continued to receive the emoluments attached to 
his command of the eighth military division. But 
when he could no longer render active service to the 
country, he refused the reception of pay for services 
not permitted to be performed, as he had previously 
upon the peace of Greenville. 

He was not long suifered to remain in seclusion, 
however. During the summer of the same year he was 
appointed, in connection with General Cass and Gen- 
eral Adair, to treat with some of the tribes of north- 
western Indians, with whom a treaty was soon after 
concluded at Greenville. The following year he was 
appointed at the head of another commission, and 
concluded a treaty at Detroit with nine important 



^VI1,MAM IlKNUV HAKKISON. 2')7 

tribes, Vf\Mi were highly advanlageous to tlic United 
States. Ill 181(j, other and still more important and 
honorable duties awaited him. He was during that 
year nominated as a eandichite for Congress, in tho 
district in which he resided, and tliough he had six 
competitors for the same oflico, he had an aggregate 
majority over all of them of one thousand. lie was 
elected to succeed the Honorable John McLean, who 
had resiirned the oflice shortly before. No stronger 
evidence of the strong hold General Harrison had 
upon the affections of the western people, and how 
little the unjust treatment he had received at the 
hands of General Armstrong had affected him in their 
estimation can be had than this triumphant endorse- 
ment of his character and patriotism by those most 
competent to judge of each. 

While a member of Congress, and shortly after he 
took his seat, a charge was made against him by an 
army contractor, whose high expectations of large 
profits were blighted by his rigid supervision of the 
commissary's department, of misconduct or improper 
connection with that department while in command of 
the army at the West. General Harrison boldly met 
the charge, and demanded an investigation. A com- 
mittee was accordingly appointed, at the head of 
whom was Colonel Richard M. Johnson, and after a 
thorough and impartial investigation, a report was 
made by him on the 23rd of January, 1817, in which 
they sav, that " The committee are unanimously of 

opinion that General Harrison stands above suspicion 
9.9 * 



258 THE LIFE OF 

as to his having had any pecuniary or improper con- 
nection with the officers of the commissariat for 
the supply of the army ; that he did not wantonly 
or improperly interfere with the rights of contractors, 
and that he was, in his measures, governed by a proper 
zeal and devotion to the public interests." 

When this report was read, Mr. Hulbert of Mas- 
sachusetts, who was a member of the committee, said, 
that he as well as the committee considered the sub- 
ject an important one, as well as interesting to the 
public, and especially so to General Harrison. The 
character of that gentleman had been impeached, and 
the committee, therefore, determined to make the in- 
vestio^ation as full and thorouo^h as should be in their 
power. They had received the testimony of the gen- 
tleman who made the charge, had read and considered 
all the documents and papers they could obtain, and 
had examined many respectable witnesses ; after all 
this the investigation resulted in a firm conviction and 
unanimous opinion of the committee, that the insinu- 
ations and complaints that had been made against 
General Harrison were unmerited, groundless and un- 
just. 

Mr. Hulbert said, it gave him pleasure to make 
these declarations, as he considered himself doing an 
act of justice to an individual. He admitted that he 
had entered upon the investigation with impressions 
very unfavorable to General Harrison. The com- 
plaint which had been made against him had spread 
far and wide. The bane and the antidote had not 



WILLIAM HENRY IIAIIRISOX. 259 

I 

gone together. He rejoiced tlmt this investigation 
had been made, and he had no hesit^ation in saying, 
that so far as the report of the committee should de- 
fend tlie cliaracter and conduct of General IFarri.son 
before the public, it would promote the cause of truth 
and justice. In regard to the charge of oppressive 
and unjust conduct towards the contractors in the 
army under his command, he was entirely satisfied 
that he had interfered only in those cases where he 
thought his duty to the public imperiously demand- 
ed it. 

The most serious charge that had been preferred 
against General Harrison was that, while he was com- 
mander-in-chief of the north-western army, regardless 
of his country's good, he was in the habit of managing 
the public concerns with a view to his own private in- 
terests. This, Mr. Hulbert said, he could not re- 
frain from pronouncing a false and cruel accusation, 
and that there was the most satisfactory evidence that 
he had, in the exercise of his official duties, and in his 
devotion to the public interests, neglected his private 
concerns to his material detriment and injury. In a 
word, he added, he felt himself authorized to say, 
that every member of the committee was fully satis- 
fied that the conduct of General Harrison, in relation 
to the matter under inquiry, had been that of a brave, 
honest and honorable man, and that instead of de- 
serving censure, he merited the thanks and applause 
of his country. 

At a subsequent state of the inquiry, the matter 



260 THE LIFE OF 

was referred to the Secretary of War, who reported 
that General Harrison had been guilty of no impro- 
priety of conduct; that upwards of a million and a 
half of dollars had passed through his hands, during 
the war, no part of w^hich had been applied to his own 
use ; that from the evidence furnished him, it ap- 
peared that General Harrison was poorer at the end 
of the war than he was at the beginning of it. 

On the 6th of December, four days after he took 
his seat in Congress, and previous to the investiga- 
tion into the charges against his official conduct, he 
offered a resolution instructing the military committee 
to enquire into the expediency of providing by law 
for the relief of such of the officers and soldiers who, 
having faithfully served in the armies of the United 
States, are now in distressed circumstances, and who, 
not having received wounds or disabilities whilst in 
actual service, are excluded from the benefits of the 
pension laws, and that the said committee report by 
bill or otherwise. This resolution led the way for an 
act of justice to those who had sacrificed some of their 
best years in the service of the country, and thus, in 
many instances, entirely blighted their worldly pros- 
pects, but who had hitherto been entirely neglected 
by their government, because they had not the good 
fortune to lose a leg or an arm. 

On the 30th of January, on his motion, the mili- 
tary committee was instructed to enquire into the ex- 
pediency of granting a bounty of one hundred and 
sixty acres of land to all non-commissioned officers 



"VVILLTAM IIEMIY HARRISON. 1101 

and sulilicrs of the iiniiy, who, having been en list ed 
previous to the '24 th of December, 1811, are not enti- 
tled to said bounty, but wlio, having served fiiitlifidly 
throuirh said war, have obtained :n» lionorablc dis- 
charge. These two propositions were tlie foun(hitiou 
of a system of legishition tliat has resulted in a vast 
benefit not only to a lar";e class of soldiers, but to the 
widows and orphans of those who had perished gal- 
lantly fighting in defense of their country. 

At the following session a bill was introduced to 
increase the pay of members of Congress from six to 
nine dollars a day. In discussing a proposition to 
strike out six and insert nine, which took place on the 
6th of January, 1818, General Harrison said that in 
explaining what would otherwise appear an inconsist- 
ency in the vote he was about to give, he was aware 
that in order to preserve in Congress talents of a 
proper grade, and to enable men of moderate property 
to come to Congress without loss, a higher compensa- 
tion was necessary than had heretofore been allowed 
to members of Congress. But, notwithstanding he 
entertained these views, he was opposed to increasing 
the pay of members until they had done justice to 
others whose claims were much stronger. Whenever 
justice should be done to sufferers in the war of the 
revolution, he should be willing to vote for the meas- 
ure in question, and not till then. The revolutionary 
pension bill became a law before the close of the 
session. 

This bill being under discussion the next day, on 



262 THE LIFE OF 

its third readins:, General Harrison saia he was 
persuaded that the members of the House, who had 
voted for a compensation beyond the ancient allow- 
ance of six dollars, had voted under great embarrass- 
ment, possessed as they were on the one hand by a 
sense of duty and justice, and on the other by that 
delicacy which must be felt when they were acting as 
judges in their own case. He thought, however, that 
there was a mode by which their feelings might be 
saved, and which, if adopted, would be as highly ac- 
ceptable to them as it would be honorable to their 
representatives. It would evince a disinterestedness 
and magnanimity which could not fail to produce the 
most happy effects, and finally fix the compensation 
at the sum which their disinterested judgment should 
deem right. Being satisfied that it was a question to 
be determined rather by feeling than argument, he 
would simply submit a resolution to re-commit the 
bill, with instructions to amend it so far as to fix the 
compensation for the present Congress at six dollars, 
and for the ensuing Congress at eight dollars. The 
motion, however, was lost and the bill passed. 

On the 20th of January, of the same Congress, 
General Harrison introduced a resolution, providing 
that a committee be appointed jointly with such com- 
mittee as may be appointed by the Senate, to con- 
sider and report what measures it may be proper to 
adopt to manifest the public respect for the memory 
of General Thaddeus Kosciusko, formerly an officer 
in the service of the United States, and the uniform 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 263 

and distinguished friend oi' liberty and tlic riplits of 
man. Upon this resolution he made the following 
adniirahle remarks : — 

*"' The public papers have announced an event which 
is well calculated to excite the sympathy of every 
American bosom. Kosciusko, the martyr of liberty, 
is no more ! We arc informed that he died at So- 
leure, in France, some time in October hist. In 
tracing the events of this great man's life, we liud in 
him that consistency of conduct which is the more to 
to be admired as it is so rarely to be met with. IIo 
was not at one time the friend of mankind, and at 
another the instrument of their oppressions, but he pre- 
served throughout his whole career those noble prin- 
ciples which distinguished him in its commence- 
ment, which influenced him at an early period of his 
life to leave his country and his friends, and in an- 
other hemisphere, to fight for the rights of humanity. 

" Kosciusko was born and educated in Poland, of a 
noble and distinguished family, a country where the 
distinctions in society are perhaps carried to greater 
lengths than in any other. Ilis creator had, how- 
ever, endowed him with a soul capable of rising above 
the narrower prejudices of caste, and of breaking the 
shackles which a vicious education had imposed on 
his mind. "When very young he was informed by the 
voice of fame that the standard of liberty had been 
erected in America ; that an insulted and oppressed 
people had determined to be free or perish in tho 
attempt. His ardent and generous mind caught with 



264 THE LIFE OF 

enthusiasm the holy flame, and from that moment he 
became the devoted soldier of liberty. 

'' His rank in the American army aiForded him no 
opportunity greatly to distinguish himself. But he 
was remarked throughout his service for all the qual- 
ities which adorn the hum-an character. His heroic 
conduct in the field could only be equaled by his 
moderatron and afi"ability in the walks of private life. 
He was idolized by the soldiers for his bravery, and 
beloved and respected by the officers for the goodness 
of his heart, and the great qualities of his mind. 
Contributing greatly by his exertions to the establish- 
ment of the independence of America, he might have 
remained and shared the blessings it dispensed, under 
the protection of a chief who loved and honored him, 
and in the bosom of a grateful and affectionate people. 

"Kosciusko, however, had other views. It is not 
known that, until the period I am now speaking of, 
he had formed any distinct idea of what could, or 
indeed what ought to be done for his own. But in 
the revolutionary war he drank deeply of the princi- 
ples that produced it. In his conversations with the 
intelligent men of our country, he acquired new views 
of the science of government and the rights of man. 
He had seen, too, that to be free, it was only neces- 
sary that a nation should will it, and to be happy, it 
was only necessary that a nation should be free. 
And was it not possible to procure these blessings for 
Poland? For Poland, the country of his birth, which 
had a claim to all his efforts, to all his services ? That 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 265 

unhappy nation groaned under a complication of evils, 
"which has scarcely a parallel in history. The mass 
of the people were the abject slaves of the nobh'S ; 
the nobles, torn into factions, were alternately the in- 
struments and the victims of their powerfid and am- 
bitious neighbors. By intrigue, corruption and force, 
some of its fairest provinces had been separated from 
the republic, and people, like beasts, transferred to 
foreign despots, who were again watching for a favor- 
able moment for a second dismemberment. To refru- 
late a people thus debased, to obtain for a country 
thus circumstanced the blessings of liberty and inde- 
pendence, was a work of as much difficulty as danger. 
But to a mind like Kosciusko's, the difficulty and 
danger of an enterprise served as stimulants to under- 
take it. 

" The annals of those times give us no detailed ac- 
counts of the progress of Kosciusko in accomplishing 
his great work, from the period of his return from 
America to the adoption of the new constitution of 
Poland, in 1791. This interval, however, of apparent 
inaction was most usefully employed to illumine the 
mental darkness which enveloped his countrymen. 
To stimulate the ignorant and bigoted peasantry with 
the hope of future emancipation — to teach a proud 
but gallant nobility that true glory is only to be found 
in the paths of glory and patriotism — interests the 
most opposed, prejudices the most stubborn, and 
habits the most inveterate were reconciled, dissipated, 
and broken by the ascendency of his virtues and ex- 
23 



266 THE LIFE OF 

ample. The storm which he had foreseen, and for 
which he had been preparing, at length burst upon 
Poland. A feeble and unpopular government bent 
before its fury, and submitted itself to the Russian 
yoke of the invader. But the nation disdained to 
follow its example ; in their extremity every eye was 
turned on the hero who had already fought their 
battles — the sage who had enlightened them, and the 
patriot who had set the example of personal sacrifices 
to accomplish the emancipation of the people. 

" Kosciusko was unanimously appointed Generalis- 
simo of Poland, with unlimited powers, until the en- 
emy should be driven from the country. On his 
virtue the nation reposed wdth the utmost confidence ; 
and it is some consolation to reflect, amid the general 
depravity of mankind, that two instances in the same 
age have occurred where powers of this kind were 
employed solely for the purposes for which they were 
given. 

" It is not my intention, Sir, to follow the Polish 
chief throughout the career of victory which for a 
considerable time crowned his efi'orts. Guided by his 
talents, and led by his valor, his undisciplined, poorly 
armed militia charged with efi"ect the veteran Russians 
and Prussians ; the mailed cuirassiers of the great 
Frederick, for the first time, broke and fled before the 
lighter and more appropriate cavalry of Poland. Hope 
filled the breasts of the patriots. After a long night 
the dawn of an apparently glorious day broke upon 
Poland, But to the discerning eye of Kosciusko, the 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 207 

light which it slied was of thai sickly a:i(l porleii- 
tous appearance indicating a storm more dreadful 
than that which he had resisted. 

*' lie prepared to meet it with firnmess, but with 
means entirely inadequate. To the advantages of 
numbers, of tactics, of discipline and inexhaustible 
resources, the cornelian despots had secured a faction 
in the heart of Poland, and if that country can boast 
of having produced its Washington, it is disgraced 
also by giving birth to a second Arnold. The day at 
length came which was to decide the fate of a nation 
and a hero. Heaven for wise purposes determined 
that it should be the last of Polish liberty. It was 
decided, indeed, before the battle commenced. The 
traitor Pouiski, who covered with a detachment the 
advance of the Polish army, abandoned his position 
to the enemy and retreated. 

" Kosciusko was astonished but not discouraged. 
The disposition of his army would have done honor 
to Hannibal. The succeeding conflict was terrible. 
"When the tablets of the General could no lonircr di- 
rect the mingled mass of combatants, the arm of the 
warrior was brought to the aid of. his soldiers. He 
performed prodigies of valor. The feeble powers of 
Ajax in defending the Grecian ships was realized by 
the Polish hero ; nor was he badly seconded by his 
troops. As long as his voice could guide, or his 
example fire their valor, they were irresistible. In 
this unequal contest Kosciusko was long seen, and 
fmully lost to their vision. 



268 THE LIFE OF 



* Hope for a season bade the world farewell, 
And freedom shrieked as Kosciusko fell.' 



a 



He fell covered with wounds, but still survived. 
A Cossack would have pierced his breast, when an offi- 
cer interposed. ' Suflfer him to execute his purpose,' 
said the bleeding hero. ' I am the devoted soldier 
of my country, and will not survive its liberties..' 
The name of Kosciusko struck to the heart of the 
Tartar like that of Marius upon the Cimbrian war- 
rior. The uplifted weapon dropped from his hand. 

" Kosciusko was conveyed to the dungeons of Pe- 
tersburgh — and, to the eternal disgrace of the Em- 
press Catharine, she made him the object of her 
vengeance, when he could no longer be the object of 
her fears. Her more generous son restored him to 
liberty. The remainder of his life has been spent in 
virtuous retirement. Whilst in this situation in 
France, an anecdote is related of him which strongly 
illustrates the command which his virtues and his 
services had obtained over the minds of his coun- 
trymen. 

" In the late invasion of France, some Polish regi- 
ments, in the service of Russia, passed through the 
village in which he lived. Some pillaging of the 
inhabitants brought Kosciusko from his cottage. 
' When I was a Polish soldier,' said he, addressing 
the plunderers, ' the property of the peaceful citizen 
was respected.' ''And who art thou,' said an offi 
cer, ' who addresses us with this tone of authority.' ' I 
am Kosciusko.' There was magic in the word. It ran 



"WILLIAM IIENIIV IIAHRIRON. 2G0 

from corps to corps ; the iniuHth was suspended ; 
they gathered around liini and gazed Avitli astonish- 
ment and awe upon the miglity ruin lie presented. 
Could it indeed be their hero whose fame was identified 
with that of their country? A thousand interesting 
reflections burst upon their minds, they remembered 
his patriotism, his devotion to liberty, his triumphs, 
and his glorious fall. Their iron hearts even softened, 
and the tear of sensibility trickled down their weath- 
er-ben ten faces. We can easily conceive. Sir, what 
would be the feelings of the hero himself in such a 
scene. His great heart must have heaved with emo- 
tion to find himself once more surrounded by the 
companions of his glory, and that he would have been 
upon the point of saying to them : — 

' Behold your general, come once more 
To lead you on to laurel'd victory — 
To fame, to freedom ! ' 

"The delusion could have lasted but for a moment. 
He was himself, alas ! a miserable cripple, and for 
them, they were no longer the soldiers of liberty, but 
the instruments of ambition and tyranny. Over- 
whelmed with grief at the reflection, he would retire 
to his cottage to mourn afresh over the miseries of his 
country. 

" Such was the man, Sir, for whose memory I ask 
from an American Congress a slight tribute of re- 
spect. K^ot, Sir, to perpetuate his fiime, but our grat- 
itude. His fame will last as long as liberty remains 
upon the earth — as long as a votary oflfers incense 
23* 



270 THE LIFE OP 

upon her altar, the name of Kosciusko will be in- 
voked. And if by the common consent of the world, 
a temple should be erected to those who have ren- 
dered most service to mankind, if the statue of our 
great countrymen shall occupy the place of the ''most 
worthy," that of Kosciusko will be found by his side, 
and the wreath of laurel will be entwined with the 
palm of virtue to adorn his brow." 

Though the great merits of Kosciusko was univer- 
sally admired, yet this resolution met with so much 
opposition that General Harrison finally withdrew it, 
together with another testifying the respect of the 
brave for his memory by wearing crape. It was 
shown that no such respect as it proposed had been 
paid to any of the departed worthies, native or for- 
eign, who had aided in the achievement of our inde- 
pendence, except in the single instance of Washington, 
which was claimed to be an exception to all general 
rules. The occasion, however, was iiappily seized 
upon by General Harrison to bring the great merits 
of the noble patriot and martyr before the country, 
and to pay the eloquent and touching tribute to his 
memory which has been quoted above ; a speech 
containing sentiments as honorable to the heart and 
head of the man by whom they were uttered as to the 
patriot whose glorious deeds and eminent virtues they 
were designed to commemorate. 

In 1816, a resolution was offered in the Senate of 
the United States, voting a gold medal and the thanks 
of Congress to General Harrison and Governor Shelby. 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 271 

But the enemies of the late war were almost, as 
a matter of course, the enemies also of the man who 
had (lone so much to carry the country honorably 
throuirh it as General Harrison had. A motion was 
therefore made by Mr. Lacoch, from Pennsylvania, 
to strike his name from the resolution. This motion 
prevailed by a vote of thirteen to eleven ; but on 
the 20th of April, one week after, the resolution was 
called up again, and General Harrison's name re- 
stored by a vote of fourteen to thirteen. The subject 
was re-committed to the military committee where it 
rested until 1818. When Governor Shelby heard of 
the attempt to strike the name of General Harrison 
from the resolution, with the magnanimity of a great 
mind, he wrote to his old commander, praying him not 
to let the conduct of the Senate disturb his mind. 
He said, " I hope their resolution has been laid over 
as to both of us. The moment I heard of the course 
it was likely to take, I wrote instantly to Mr. Clay, 
and expressed my regret that it had been introduced, 
and how mortified I should feel to be noticed, if you 
were not included, who had rendered ten times more 
service to the nation than I had." 

The subject was again brought before the Sen- 
ate, rn the 24th of March, 1818, by Mr. Dickinson, 
of New Jersey, subsequently the Secretary of the 
Navv under General Jackson's administration. On 
tliat day he asked leave to introduce a resolution offer- 
ing the thanks of Congress, and providing that a gold 
medal be struck and awarded to General Harrison and 



272 THE LIFE OF 

Governor Shelby, for their distinguished bravery and * 
good conduct in capturing the British army under Gen- 
eral Proctor, on the Thames, in Upper Canada, October 
5th, 1813. Mr. Dickinson prefaced the introduction 
of this resolution with the following chaste and appro- 
priate remarks : — 

*'I should not," he said, "at this late day, highly 
as I think of the merits of those officers, who, in co- 
operation with the hero of Lake Erie, turned the tide 
of war in our favor, bring forward the present resolu- 
tion if no similar attempt had heretofore been made 
in their favor, but would leave their fame to rest upon 
the testimony of impartial history which has already 
done ample justice to their characters. 

" Two years ago a resolution like the present was 
reported in this House, by the chairman of the com- 
mittee on military affairs, by direction of that com- 
mittee. This resolution was opposed on two grounds, 
applying solely to General Harrison, as I have been 
informed (for I had not then the honor of being a 
member of this body) — the first, that an inquiry was 
at that time pending before the House of Representa- 
tives, into the official conduct of General Harrison, as 
a commander-in-chief of the north-western army, upon 
charges which, if well founded, were calculated essen- 
tially to injure his character; the second, that a rumor 
prevailed that General Harrison had discovered some 
reluctance in pursuing Proctor and his army, after 
Perry's victory on Lake Erie, and that he had been 
forced to the pursuit by the remonstrance of Gov- 



NYILLIAM IIKNIIV HARRISON. 273 

ovnor Sliclby, and that this information had been dc- 
1 ived iVom the dcchirations of Governor Shelby. 

'^' These charges, utterly unfounded as they turned 
out to be, were deemed a sullicient reason for postpon- 
ing a decision of the report of the committee until the 
result of the inquiry, before the House of Representa- 
tives should at least be known. * * * As the 
friends of General Harrison have it in their power com- 
pletely to obviate every objection heretofore made to 
the passage of this resolution, it is their duty to bring 
the subject again before Congress, more especially as 
the journals of this house, if left unexplained, imply 
a censure upon the conduct of General Harrison, 
which certainly was not intended. I will confess for 
one, from a perusal of the journal of this house, the 
military reputation of General Harrison sunk in my 
estimation. And I believe this confession might be 
made by three-fourths of the citizens of the United 
States who read the proceedings of Congress, and 
who had not an intimate knowledge of the character 
and conduct of General Harrison. I should reproach 
myself for having suffered such an impression to be 
made upon my mind if the means of correcting it 
had also been found upon our journals ; those jour- 
nals did not then afford the means of correct informa- 
tion upon this subject, nor do they till this day. 

" As to the first objection that an investigation 
was depending in the House of Representatives, into 
the official conduct of General Harrison, the result of 
that investigation was in the highest degree honorable 



274 THE LIFE OP 

to his character. The committee were unanimously of 
the opinion that General Harrison stood above suspi- 
cion of being implicated in the charges exhibited 
against him, and that in his whole conduct, as com- 
mander-in-chief of the north-western army, he was 
governed by a laudable zeal for and devotion to the 
public service and interests. 

" The second objection made to the passage of the 
resolution, if well founded, was calculated to give to 
Governor Shelby the entire and exclusive merit of 
having urged the pursuit of Proctor and his army. 
But Shelby, generous as he is brave, disclaims this 
exclusive merit in a letter, which I beg leave to read ; 
denies, in the most positive terms, having used the 
language ascribed to him, and he gives General Har- 
rison the highest praise for his promptitude and vigi- 
lance in pursuing Proctor ; for the skill with which 
he arranged his troops for meeting the enemy, and 
for his disinterested bravery during the action." 

The resolution passed both branches of Congress 
unanimously, or so nearly so that the exception was 
but a single vote in the House, and on the 4th of 
April, 1818, was approved by James Madison, Presi- 
dent of the United States. So triumphantly had 
General Harrison's character been vindicated from 
the charges, of whatever kind, which had been prefer- 
red against him by his enemies, that scarcely an 
objection was raised to the passage of a resolution con- 
ferring upon him the highest honor in the power of 
Congress to bestow. 



WILLIAM HENRY UARRISON. 275 



CHAPTER XVII. 

It was during General Harrison's first regular term 
in Congress, tliat the celebrated and important debate 
was had on the resolution to censure General Jack- 
son for his conduct in the Seminole War. Upon this 
subject he felt a very deep solicitude, and between his 
warm sympathy and disinterested friendship for a 
brave and patriotic fellow-soldier, and honest deter- 
mination to let no considerations come between him 
and his duty to his country, he necessarily felt pain- 
fully embarrassed. His speech on this question was 
equally admired, therefore, for its ingenuity, ability 
and eloquence, and was pronounced one of the finest 
efibrts elicited by that interesting occasion. It was 
even more admired, however, for its impartial and pa- 
triotic spirit than for its eloquence and ability ; for 
while he disapproved the course of General Jack- 
son, and commented on his conduct with the manly 
independence of a freeman, he defended such of his 
acts as he believed right, and did full justice to his 
motives.* In concluding his remarks he said : — 

" If the highest services could claim indemnity for 
crime, then might the conqueror of Plataea have 

* Hnll's Life of Han-ison. 



276 THE LIFE OF 

been suffered to continue his usurpations until he had 
erected a throne upon the ruins of Grecian liberty. 
Sir, it will not be understood that I mean to compare 
General Jackson to these men. No ; I believe that 
the principles of the patriot are as firmly fixed in his 
bosom as those of the soldier. But a republican gov- 
ernment should make no distinctions between men, 
and should never relax its maxims of security for any 
individual, however distinguished. No man should be 
allowed to say that he could do that with impunity 
which another could not do. If the father of his 
country were alive, in the administration of the gov- 
ernment, and had authorized the taking of the Span- 
ish ports, I would declare my disapprobation as 
readily as I do now. Nay, more, because the more 
distinguished the individual, the more salutary the 
example. No one can tell how soon such an example 
may be beneficial. General Jackson will be faithful 
to his country. But I recollect that the virtues and 
patriotism of Fabius and Scipio were soon followed by 
the crimes of Marcus and the usurpations of Sylla. 

" I am sure. Sir, that it is not the intention of any 
gentleman upon this floor to rob General Jackson of 
a single ray of glory, much less to wound his feelings 
or injure his reputation. And whilst I thank my 
friend from Mississippi (Mr. Poindexter), in the name 
of those who agree with me, that General Jackson 
has done wrong, I must be permitted to decline the 
use of the address which he has so obligingly pre- 
pared for us, and substitute the following as more 



WILLIAM IIENIIY HARRISON. 277 

consonant to our views and opinions. If tlie resolu- 
tion pass I would address him thus : Tii the perform- 
ance of a sacred duty, imposed by their construction 
of the constitution, the representatives of the people 
have found it necessary to disapprove a single act 
of your brilliant career ; they have done it in the full 
conviction that the hero who has guarded her rights in 
tlie field, will bow with reverence to the civil institu- 
tions of his country — that he has admitted as his creed 
that the character of the soldier can never be com- 
plete without eternal reference to the character of the 
citizen. 

" Your country has done for you all that a coun- 
try can do for the taost favored of her sons. The 
age of deification is passed ; it was an age of tyranny 
and barbarism ; the adoration of man should be ad- 
dressed to his Creator alone. You have been feasted 
in the pretoires of the cities. Your statue shall be in 
the capitol, and your name be found in the song of 
the virgins. Go, gallant chief, and bear with you 
the gratitude of your country ! Go, under the full 
conviction that, as her glory is identified with yours, 
she has nothing more dear to her but her laws — noth- 
ing more sacred but her constitution. Even an unin- 
tentional error shall be sanctified to her service. It 
will teach posterity that the government which could 
disapprove the conduct of a Marcellus, will have the 
fortitude to crush the vices of Marius. 

*' These sentiments. Sir, lead to results in which 
all must unite. General Jackson will still live in the 
24 



27S THE LIFE OF 

hearts of his fellow-citizens, and the constitution of 
your country will be immortal." 

General Harrison remained in Congress until he 
had served out the unexpired term of Mr. McLean, 
and the full term for which he was returned. He 
then declined a re-election. During his brief legisla- 
tive career, he exhibited the same aptness for the 
new duties and responsibilities thus imposed upon 
him that he had previously shown for those of the 
soldier and the general. His familiar acquaintance 
with the wants of the country, and his extensive ac- 
quirements, peculiarly qualified him for an enlightened 
and useful discharge of the duties of the law-maker. 
As a debater, he was ready, fluent and forcible. 
Always courteous and dignified, and ]30ssessing a vig- 
orous and cultivated mind, he not only made himself 
a most useful member, but was enabled to exercise an 
influence far greater than that exerted by many much 
older members. Many of his speeches will bear a 
favorable comparison with most members of the same 
Congress. 

The following year after his withdrawal from Con- 
gress he yielded to the solicitation of his friends, and 
became a candidate for the Senate of Ohio, to which 
he was elected in the fall of 1819. In that body he 
rendered important services to the State. Earnestly 
as he labored for the public good, and advantageous 
as were his services to his constituents, his conduct 
did not escape the criticism of the censorious, nor 
even the open condemnation of disingenuous partizans. 



M'lLLTAM IIKXRY IIARIIISON. 279 

Ilis vote in the Senate, in favor of scllinp^ the services 
of convicts sentenced for larcenies of sums under 
fifty dollars, as a punishment less injurious to them 
and less burdensome to the State than conhnement in 
the State prison, was made the pretext for charging 
him -with voting to sell poor white men to pay their 
debts. In relation to this charge, General Harrison 
himself has given at onc# the clearest explanation and 
the most convincing refutation. After referring to an 
attack of this character that had been made upon 
him, he proceeds to say that no such act as one 
authorizing the sale of a poor debtor's services was 
either voted for him or passed by the legislature of 
which he was a member. 

" The act in question has no more relation to the 
collection of 'debts,'" continues General Harrison, 
" than it has to the discovery of longitude. It was an 
act for the punishment of offenses against the State ; 
and that j^art of it which is so bitterly assailed was 
passed by the House of Representatives^ and voted 
for by the twelve senators, under the impression that 
it was the most mild and humane mode of dealing 
with the offenders for whose cases it was intended. 
It was adopted by the House of Representatives as a 
part of a general system of crimrnal law which was 
then undergoing a complete revision and amendment. 
The necessity of this is evinced by the following facts : 
For several years past it had become apparent that 
the Penitentiary system was becoming more and moro 
burdensome at every session. A large appropriation 



280 THE LIFE OF 

was called for to meet the excess of expenditure 
above the receipts of the establishment. In the com- 
mencement of the session of 1820, the deficit amount- 
ed to nearly twenty thousand dollars. 

" This growing evil required the immediate inter- 
position of some vigorous legislative measure. Two 
were recommended as likely to produce the effect : 
first, placing the institution iHider better management, 
and, secondly, lessening the number of convicts who 
were sentenced for short periods, and whose labor 
was found, of course, to be most unproductive. In 
pursuance of the latter principle, thefts to the amount 
of fifty dollars or upwards were subjected to punish- 
ment in the Penitentiary, instead of ten dollars, which 
was the former minimum sum. This was easily done ; 
but the great difficulty remained to determine what 
should be the punishment of those numerous larcenies 
below the sum of fifty dollars. By some, whipping 
was proposed ; by others, punishment by hard labor 
in the county jails ; and by others it was thought best 
to make them work on the highways. 

" To all these there appeared insuperable objec- 
tions. Fine and imprisonment was proposed by the 
House of Representatives as the only alternative, and 
as it was well known that these vexatious pilferings 
were generally perpetrated by the most worthless va- 
gabonds in society, it was added that when they could 
not pay the fines and costs, which are always part of 
the sentences and punishments, their services should 
be sold out to any persons who should pay their fines 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 2Sl 

niul costs for lliom. Tlils was a clause "^vlilcli was 
passed, as I believe, by an unanimous vote of tlic 
House, and stricken out in the Senate, in opposition 
to tbe twelve who have been denominated. A little 
fuither trouble in examining the journals would have 
shown that this was considered as a substitute for 
whipping, which was lost in the Senate and in the 
House, by a small majority after being once passed. 

" I think I have said enough to show that this ob- 
noxious law would not have applied to " unfortunate 
debtors of sixty- four years," but to infamous offenders 
who depredate upon the property of their fellow- 
citizens, and who by the constitution of the State, as 
well as the principle of existing laws, were subject to 
involuntary servitude. I must confess I had no very 
sanguine expectations of beneficial effects from this 
measure, as it would apply to convicts who had at- 
tained the age of maturity. But I had supposed that 
a woman or a youth who was convicted of an offense, 
and remained in jail for the payment of the fine and 
costs imposed, might with great advantage be trans- 
ferred to the residence of some decent, virtuous pri- 
vate family, whose precept and example would greatly 
lead them back to the paths of virtue. * -^i^ * I think 
that imprisonment for debt, under any circumstances 
but those where fraud is alleged, is at war with the 
best principles of our constitution, and ought to be 
abolished." 

General Harrison remained in the Senate of Ohio 
two years, during which he devoted the energies of 
24 * 



282 THE LIFE OF 

his mind and his great capacity for public business to 
the promotion of such measures as he believed best 
calculated to promote the general welfare. During 
the time he was a member of the State Senate, he 
was elected as one of the Presidential electors for 
Ohio, and voted for James Madison for President, and 
Daniel D. Tompkins for Vice President. He was 
subsequently again chosen as one of the electors of 
that State, and voted for Henry Clay for President. 
He was nominated for Congress again in 1822, 
but was defeated in consequence of his vote against 
the Missouri Restriction.* Upon being nominated, 
he issued an address to the people of his district, at 
the conclusion of which he thus succinctly sets forth 
his political principles : "I believe that upon the 
preservation of the Union of the States depends the 
existence of our civil and religious liberties, and that 
the cement which binds it together is not a parcel of 
words written upon paper or parchment, but the broth- 
erly love and regard which the citizens of the several 
States possess for each other. Destroy this, and the 
beautiful fabric which was reared and embellished by 
our ancestors, crumbles into ruin. From its disjointed 
parts no temple of liberty will again be reared. Dis- 
cord and wars will succeed to peace and harmony ; 
barbarism will again overspread the land ; or, what is 
scarcely better, some kindly tyrant will promulgate 
the decrees of his will from the seat where a Wash- 
ington and a Jefferson dispensed the blessings of a 

* Hall's Life of Harrison. 



WILLIAM HENRY nATIRISON. 283 

free and equal government. I believe it therefore to 
be the duty of a representative to cdtioJliate, by every 
possible means, tlie members of our great political 
family ; and always to bear in mind that as the Union 
was effected only by a spirit of mutual concessions 
and forbearance, so only can it be preserved." 

Having served two years in the Senate of his 
adopted State with honor and distinction to himself, 
and advantage to the people, he once more sought for 
that happiness and repose in the midst of his family 
at North Bend, which was so congenial to his disposi- 
tion, but of which for so many years he had been de- 
prived. He was once more to be disappointed in 
these agreeable anticipations. In the year 1824 he 
was elected to the United States Senate by the legis* 
lature of Ohio. Soon after taking his seat in that 
body he was appointed chairman of the military com- 
mittee, in place of General Jackson, who had just 
resigned. 

Acting upon the principle that had ever influenced 
his conduct, he warmly advocated the passage of a 
bill giving the preference in the appointment of ca- 
dets to the Military Academy at West Point, to the 
sons of those who had fallen in defense of their coun- 
try's rights. While a member of the other house of 
Congress, he lost no opportunity of enforcing the ne- 
cessity of giving not only to those who had shed their 
blood in their country's services, but also to the wid- 
ows and orphans of those who had fallen in battle, 
some practical evidence of the country's gratitude. 



284 THE LIFE OF 

His course in relation to the appointment of cadets 
was in accordance with his whole conduct towards 
these and the descendants of those who have periled 
and lost their lives in fighting for the rights of the 
whole people. 

The eccentric and extraordinary John Randolph, 
of Roanoke, occupied a seat in the Senate at the time 
General Harrison represented Ohio in that body, and 
like everv one else whose fortune led him into contact 
with the fierce genius from Virginia, he had to pay 
the penalty such contact imposed. True to his uni- 
form practice, and the instinct of his nature, the Ro- 
anoke orator commenced one of his furious philippics 
against Harrison, renewing an old charge of having 
been a black cockade federalist, and an advocate of 
the Alien and Sedition laws which were adopted du- 
ring the administration of the elder Adams. In re- 
ply to a virulent and unprovoked attack of this char- 
acter. General Harrison replied with promptness and 
good temper, that the extraordinary manner in which 
his name had been brought before the Senate by the 
Senator from Virginia, probably required some notice 
from him, though he scarcely knew how to treat seri- 
ously such a charge as had been advanced against 
him. 

To the charge that he had the stain of federalism 
upon his skirts, and had voted for a standing army 
and the Alien and Sedition laws, he said that he had 
not so fertile an imagination as the gentleman from 
Virginia, nor could he at command call up all the 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 285 

transactions of nearly thirty years nf^o. He could 
say, however, that at the time alluded to, he was not 
a party man in the sense the Senator from Virginia 
used, lie was a delegate of a territory which was 
just then rising into importance, and having no vote 
upon the general questions before Congress, it was 
neither his duty, nor the interest of those whom he 
represented, to plunge into the turbulent sea of gen- 
eral politics which then agitated the nation. 

There were questions of great importance to the 
north-west territory then before Congress — questions 
upon the just settlement of which depended the future 
prosperity of that now important portion of the Union. 
Standing as he did, the sole representative of that 
territory, his greatest ambition was to prove himself 
faithful to his trust by cherishing its interest ; and 
nothing could have been more suicidal or pernicious 
to those he represented than for him to exasperate 
either party by becoming a violent partizan without 
the power to aid it, because he had no vote on politi- 
cal questions. This was his position, and although 
he had his political principles as firmly fixed as those 
of the gentleman from Virginia, it was no business 
of his to strike where he could not be felt, and where 
the blow must recoil upon himself and those whom he 
represented. 

He wore no cockade, black or tri-colored, at that 
time, and never wore one but when he was in the 
military service of his country. But he was seriously 
charged with the heinous offense of associating with 



28<J THE LIFE OF 

federal gentlemen. He plead guilty; he respected 
the revolutionary services of President Adams, and 
had paid him that courtesy which was due to him as 
a man and a chief magistrate. He also associated 
with such men as John Marshall and James A. Bay- 
ard : was the acknowledgment of such guilt to throw 
him out of the pale of political salvation ? 

On the other hand, he was on intimate terms with 
Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Gallatin, and with the whole Vir- 
ginia delegation, among whom he had many kinsmen 
and dear friends. They were his principal associates 
in Philadelphia, in whose mess he had often met the 
gentleman who was now his accuser, and with whom 
he had spent some of the happiest hours of his life. 
It was true, as the senator alleged, he had been ap- 
pointed governor of the north-western territory by 
John Adams ; so had he been by Thomas Jefferson 
and James Madison. 

But he was not in Congress when the standing 
army was created and the Alien and Sedition laws 
were passed, and if he had been he could not have 
voted for them, and would not if he could. It was 
not in his nature to be a violent or prescriptive parti- 
san, but he had given a fine support to the republicai 
administrations of Jefferson, Madison and Monroe 
He hoped the senator from Virginia was answered ; 
he was sure the Senate must be wearied with this 
frivolous and unprofitable squabble. 



WLLLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 287 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

General Harrison remained in Congress only 
tliree years, having been appointed by President John 
Quincy Adams, in 1828, Minister Plenipotentiaiy tu 
the republic of Colombia. He sailed from New York 
on his uiission on the 10th November of that year, 
in the ship Erie, and arrived at Bogota on the oth of 
February ensuing. On the 2Tth he presented his 
credentials and was received with flattering attentions. 
The official journal of the government, in announcing 
his arrival, congratulated Colombia on beholding the 
interest which was manifested by the government of 
the United States, to cultivate friendly relations with 
that republic by sending among them so distinguished 
a citizen as General Harrison. 

On the 4th of March following, twenty-eight days 
after General Harrison arrived at the capitol of Co- 
lombia, General Jackson was inaugurated President 
of the United States. On the 8th of March, thirty- 
one days after his arrival, he was recalled, and 
Thomas P. Moore, of Kentucky, appointed his suc- 
cessor. A recollection of this circumstance will aid 
in forming an opinion as to the correctness of the 



f 288 THE LIFE OF 

charge that General Harrison was recalled in conse- 
quence of his interference with the internal affairs of 
the republic. The government of the United States 
could not have been advised of his arrival at Bogota 
until some time after he had been recalled, and Mr. 

^ Moore appointed to succeed him. The pretext upon 
which this charge of interference was based, was a 
letter written by him to Bolivar, the President of the 
republic, containing some patriotic admonition as to 
his future course. 

Unfortunately, however, for those who sought to 
justify the injustice done to General Harrison and 
the injury to the country, by his hasty recall, that 
letter was written six months after the appointment 

- of his successor, and when he had ceased to be an 
officer of the government. The charge, however, 
served its purpose for the time, and has long since 
ceased either to be believed or repeated. The letter 
which was used as an attempted justification of an act 
that met with the almost universal disapprobation of 
the country, contained sentiments alike so noble and 
patriotic, and is withal so pregnant with the true 
spirit of republicanism, that it deserves to be perpet- 
uated in every practicable form. Few papers ema- 
nating from a private citizen have ever been more 
admired or commanded more general respect for their 
patriotic principles and their beauty and energy of 
style. The letter is dated at Bogota, on the 27th of 
September, 1829. The motive by which it was dic- 
tated is best explained by the letter itself, as follows : 



WILLIAM HENRY nARRISON. 289 

'' If there is anything in the stylo, the matter or 
the object of this letter, ^vhieh is calcuhitod to give 
offense to your excellency, 1 am |)ersuade(l you will 
readily forgive it, when you reflect on the motives 
uhich induced me to write it. An old soldier could 
possess no feelings but those of the kindest character 
towards one who has shed so much lustre on the pro- 
fession of arms ; nor can a citizen of the country of 
Washinjiton cease to wish that in Bolivar the world 
might behold another instance of the highest military 
attainments united with the purest patriotism and the 
greatest capacity for civil government. 

" Such, Sir, have been the fond hopes not only of 
the people of the United States, but of the friends 
of liberty throughout the world. I will not say that 
your excellency has formed projects to defeat these 
hopes, but there is no doubt that they have not only 
been formed, but are at this moment in progress to 
maturity, and openly avowed by those who possess 
vour entire confidence. I will not attribute to these 
men impure motives, but can they be disinterested 
advisers ? Are they not the very persons who will 
gain most by the proposed change ? who will, indeed, 
gain all that is to be gained, without furnishing any 
part of the equivalent ? That the price of their fu- 
ture wealth and honors is to be furnished exclusively 
by yourself? And of what does it consist? Your 
great character. Such a one, that if a man were 
wise, and possessor of the empire of the Coesars 
in its best days, he would give all to obtain. Are 
25 



200 THE LIFE OF 

you prepared to make this sacrifice for sucli an 
object ? 

" I am persuaded that those who advocate these 
measures have never dared to induce you to adopt them 
by any argument founded on your personal interests, 
and that to succeed it would be necessary to convince 
you that no other course remained to save the country 
from the evils of anarchy. This is the question, then, 
to be examined. 

Does the history of this country, since the adop- 
tion of the constitution, really exhibit unequivocal 
evidence that the people are unfit to be free ? Is the 
exploded opinion of a European philosopher of the 
last age, that in the new hemisphere man is a degraded 
being, to be renewed and supported by the example 
of Colombia ? The proof should indeed be strong to 
induce an American to adopt an opinion so humilia- 
ting. 

" Feeling always a deep interest in the success of 
the revolutions in the late Spanish America, I have 
never been an inattentive observer of events, pending 
and posterior to the achievements of its independence. 
In these events I search in vain for a single fact to 
show that in Colombia, at least, the state of society is 
non-suited to the adoption of a free government. 
Will it be said, that a free government did exist, 
but being found inadequate to the objects for which 
it had been instituted, it has been superseded by one 
of a different character with the concurrence of a ma- 
jority of the people ? 



WILLIAM HENRY IIARllISOX. £01 

" It is the most difTinilt tiling in tlio woi-ld for nie 
to believe, that a people in the j)o«session of their 
rights, as freemen, would ever be willing to surrender 
them and submit themselves to the will of a master. 
I say such instances are on record ; the power thus 
transferred has been in <a moment of extreme public 
danger, and then limited to a very short perioil. I 
do not think that it is by any means certain that the 
majority of the French people favored the elevation of 
Napoleon to the throne of France. But if it were so, 
how different were the circumstances of that country 
from those of Colombia, when the constitution of Cu- 
cutor was overthrown ! At the period of the elevation 
of Napoleon to the First Consulate, all the powers of 
Europe were the open or secret enemies of France ; 
civil war rafi^ed within her borders. The hereditary 
king possessed many partisans in every province ; 
the people, continually betrayed by the factions which 
murdered and succeeded each other, had imbibed a 
portion of their ferocit}', and every town and village 
witnessed the indiscriminate slaughter of both men 
and women of all parties and principles. Does the 
history of Colombia, since the expulsion of the Span- 
iards, present any parallel to these scenes ? Her 
frontiers have never been seriously menaced ; no civil 
war raged ; not a partisan of the former government 
was to be found in the whole extent of her territory ; 
no faction contended with each other for the posses- 
sion of power ; the executive government remained 
in the hands of those to whom it had been committed 



292 THE LIFE OF 

by the peojDle, in a fair election. In fact, no people 
ever passed from under the yoke of a despotic gov- 
ernment to the enjoyment of entire freedom with less 
disposition to abuse their newly-acquired power than 
those of Colombia. They submitted, indeed, to a 
continuance of some of the most arbitrary and unjust 
features which distinguished the former government. 
If there was any disposition on the part of the great 
mass of the people to effect any change in the exist- 
ing order of things, — if the Colombians act from the 
same motives and upon the same principles which 
govern mankind elsewhere and in all ages, — they would 
have desired to take from the government a part of- 
the power which, in their experience, they had con- 
fided to it. The monopoly of certain articles of agri- 
cultural produce, and the oppressive duties of the Al- 
cabala, might have been tolerated until the last of their 
tyrants Avere driven from the country. But when 
peace was restored, when not one enemy remained 
within its borders, it might reasonably have been sup- 
posed that the people would have desired to abolish 
tliese remains of arbitrary governments, and substitute 
for them some tax more equal and accordant with 
republican principles. 

'' On the contrary, it is pretended that they had 
become enamored with these despotic measures, and 
so disgusted with the freedom they did enjoy, that 
they were more than willing to commit their destinies 
to the uncontrolled will of your excellency. Let me 
assure you. Sir, that these assertions will gain no 



WILLIAM IIENKY HAllRISON. 293 

credits with the present generation, or with posterity. 
Tliey will (lenuind the facts which had induced a 
people, by no means deficient in intelligence, so soon 
to abandon the principles for which they had so gal- 
lantly fought, and tamely surrendered that liberty 
which had been obtained at the expense of so much 
blood. And what facts can be produced ? It cannot 
be said that life and property were not as well pro- 
tected under the republican government as they have 
ever been ; nor that there existed any opposition to 
the constitution and laws too strong for the ordinary 
powers of the government to put down. 

" If the insurrection of General Paez, in Venezu- 
ela, is adduced, I would ask by what means Avas he re- 
duced to obedience ? Your excellency, the legitimate 
head of the republic, appeared, and in a moment all 
opposition ceased, and Venezuela was restored to the 
republic. But it is said that this was affected by 
your personal influence, or the dread of your military 
talents, and that to keep General Paez and other ambi- 
tious chiefs from dismembering the republic, it was 
necessary to invest your excellency with the extraor- 
dinary powers you possess. There would be some 
reason in this if you had refused to act without these 
powers, or having acted as you did, you had been 
anable to accomplish anything without them ; but 
you succeeded completely, and there can be no possi- 
ble reason assigned why you would not have suc- 
ceeded with the same means against any future at- 
tempt of General Paez or any other general. 
25* 



-84 THE LIFE OF 

" There appears, however, to be one sentiment in 
which all parties unite ; that is, that as matters nov,' 
stand, you alone can save the country from ruin — at 
least from much calamity. They differ, however, 
very widely as to the measures to be taken to put 
your excellency in the way to render this important 
service. The lesser and more interested party is for 
placing the government in your hands for life, either 
with your present title, or with one which, it must be 
confessed, better accords with the nature of the pow- 
ers to be exercised. If they adopt the less offensive 
title, and if they weave into their system some appa- 
rent checks to your will, it is only for the purpose of 
masking, in some degree, their real object, which is 
nothing short of the establishment of a despotism. 
The plea of necessity, that eternal argument of all 
conspirators, ancient or modern, against the rights of 
mankind, will be resorted to, to induce you to accede 
to their measures, and the unsettled state of the coun- 
try which has been designedly produced by them, will 
be adduced as evidence of that necessity. 

" There is but one way for your excellency to es- 
cape from the snares vfhich have been so artfully laid 
to entrap you, and that is to stop short in the course 
which unfortunately has been already commenced. 
Every step you advance under the influence of such 
counsels will make retreat more difficult, until it will 
become impracticable. You will be told that the in- 
tention is only to vest you with authority, to correct 
what is wrong in the administration, and to put down 



WILLIAM IIENRV llAURLSON. 295 

the factions, and that Avheii tlie country once enjoys 
traiKiuillity, the govcininent may be restored to the 
peo])lc. Delusive \vill he the hopes of those who rely 
upon tiiis declaration. The promised hour of tran- 
quillity will never arrive, if events tended to pro- 
duce it, they will be counteracted by the government 
itself. It was the strong remark of a former presi- 
dent of the United States, that sooner will the lover 
be contented with the first smiles of his mistress than a 
government cease to endeavor to exten<l and preserve 
its powers. With whatever reluctance your excellency 
may commence the career ; with wdiatever disposition 
to abandon it when the objects for which it was com- 
menced have been obtained ; when once fairly en- 
tered, you will be borne along by the irrrcsistible 
force of pride, habits of command, and, indeed, of 
self-preservation, and it will be impossible to recede. 
" But it is said that it is for the benefit of the 
people that the proposed change is to be made ; and 
that by your talents and influence alone, aided by 
unlimited power, the ambitious chiefs in the difierent 
departments are to be restrained, and the integrity 
of the republic preserved. I have said, and I most 
sincerely believe that from the state into which the 
country has been brought, that you alone can pre- 
serve it from the horrors of anarchy. But I cannot 
conceive that any extraordinary powers are necessary. 
The authority to see that the laws are executed ; 
to call out the strength of the country ; to enforce 
their execution, is all that is required, and is what 



296 THE LIFE OF 

is possessed by the chief magistrate of the United 
States, and of every other repubhc, and is what was 
confined to the executive by the constitution of Cu- 
cuta. Would your talents or your energies be im- 
paired in the council or the field, or your influence 
lessened when acting as the head of a republic ? 

" I propose to examine very briefly the results 
which are likely to flow from the proposed change of 
government : first, in relation to the country ; sec- 
ondly, to yourself personally. Is the tranquillity of 
the country to be secured by it ? Is it possible for 
your excellency to believe that when the mask has 
been thrown ofi", and the people discovered that a 
despotic government has been fixed upon them, that 
they will quietly submit to it ? Will they forget the 
pass-word which, like the cross of fire, Avas the signal 
for rallying to oppose their former tyrants ? Will the 
virgins at your bidding cease to chant the songs of 
liberty which so lately animated the youth to victory ? 
Was the patriotic blood of Colombia all expended in 
th'e fields of Vargas, Bayaca and Carebobo ? The 
schools may cease to enforce upon their pupils the 
love of country, drawn from the examples of Cato 
and the Bruti, Harmodius and Aristogiton ; but the 
glorious example of patriotic devotion, exhibited in 
your own hacienda, will supply their place. Depend 
upon it, Sir, that the moment which shall announce the 
continuance of arbitrary power in your hands, will be 
the commencement of commotions which will require 
all your talents and energy to suppress. You may 



WILLIAM IIKNRY HARRISON. 297 

succeed. The discl})llne(l army at your disposal may 
be too powerful for an unarmed, undisciplined and 
scattered population. But one unsuccessful cflTort will 
not content tlicm, and your feelings will be eternally 
racked by being obliged to make war upon those who 
have been accustomed to call you their father, and to 
invoke blessings on your head, and for no cause but 
their adherence to principles which you yourself had 
taught them to regard more than their lives. 

" If by the strong government which the advocates 
for the proposed change so strenuously recommend, 
one without responsibility is intended which may put 
men to death, and immure them in dungeons without 
trial, and one where the army is everything and the 
people nothing, 1 must say that if the tranquillity of 
Colombia is to be preserved in this way, the wildest an- 
archy would be preferable. Out of that anarchy a 
better government might arise. But the chains of 
military despotisin once fastened upon a nation, ages 
might pass away before they could be shaken off. 

" But I contend that the strongest of all govern- 
ments is that which is most free. We consider that 
of the United States as the strongest, precisely be- 
cause it is the most free. It possesses the faculties 
equally to protect itself from foreign force or internal 
convulsions. In both it has been sufficiently tried. 
In no country upon the earth would an armed oppo- 
sition to the laws be sooner or more effectually put 
down. Not so much by the terrors of the guillotine 
and the gibbet as from the aroused determination of 



298 THE LIFE OF ' 

the nation, exhibiting their strength, and convincing 
the factions that their cause was hopeless. No, Sir, 
depend upon it, that the possession of arbitrary power 
by the govern ment of Colombia will not be the means 
of securing its tranquillity ; nor will the danger of 
disturbances solely arise from the opposition of the 
people. The power and the military force which it 
will be necessary to put in the hands of the governors 
of the distant provinces, added to the nature of the 
country, will continually present to those officers the 
temptation and the means of revolt. 

" Will the proposed change restore prosperity to the 
country ? With the best intentions to do so will you 
be able to recall commerce to its shores, and give new 
life to the drooping state of agriculture ? The cause 
of the constant decline in these great interests cannot 
be mistaken. It arises from the fewness of those 
who labor, and the number of those who are to be 
supported by that labor. To support a swarm of 
luxurious and idle monks, and an army greatly dis- 
proportioned to the resources of the country, with a 
body of officers in a tenfold degree disproportioned 
to the army, every branch of industry is opprressed 
with burdens which deprive the ingenious man of the 
profits of his ingenuity, and the laborer of his reward. 
To satisfy the constant and pressing demands which 
are made upon it, the treasury seizes upon everything 
within its grasp — destroying the very germ of future 
prosperity : is there any prospect that these evils will 
cease with the proposed change ? Can the army be 



I 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 299 

dispensed with ? AVill the influence of the monk-H bo 
no longer necessary ? Believe nie, ISir, that the sup- 
port which the government derives from both those 
sources will bo more than ever requisite. 

"But the most important inquiry is the effect 
which this strong government is to have upon the 
people themselves. AVill it tend to improve and ele- 
vate their character, and fit them for the freedom which 
it is pretended is ultimately to be bestowed upon them ? 
The question has been answered from the age of Ho- 
mer. Man does not learn under oppression those 
noble qualities and feelings which fit him for the en- 
joyment of liberty. Nor is despotism the proper 
school in which to acquire the knowledge of the prin- 
ciples of republican government. A government 
whose revenues are derived from diverting the very 
sources of wealth from its subjects will not find it 
the means of improving the morals and enlightening 
the minds of the youth, by supporting systems of lib- 
eral education ; and if it could, it w^ould not. 

" In relation to the effect which this investment 
of power is to have upon your happiness and your 
fame, will the pomp and glitter of a court, and the 
flattery of venal courtiers, reward you for the trouble 
and anxieties attendant upon the exercise of sover- 
eignty everywhere, and those which will flow from 
your peculiar situation ? Or power supported by the 
bayonet for that willing homage which you were wont 
to receive from your fellows-citizens ? The groans of 
a dissatisfied and oppressed people will penetrate the 



300 THE LIFE or 

inmost recesses of your palace, and you will be 
tortured by the reflection that you no longer possess 
that place in their affections which was once your 
pride and your boast, and which would have been 
your solace under every reverse of fortune. Unsup- 
ported by the people, your authority can only be 
maintained by the terrors of the sword and the scaf- 
fold. And have these ever been successful under 
similar circumstances ? Blood may smother for a pe- 
riod, but can never extinguish the fire of liberty 
which you have contributed so much to kindle in the 
bosom of every Colombian. 

"" I will not urge as an argument the personal 
dangers to which you will be exposed ; but I will ask 
if you could enjoy life which would be preserved by 
the constant execution of so many human beings — 
your countrymen, your former friends, and almost your 
worshipers ? The pangs of such a situation will be 
more acutely reflecting on the hallowed motives who 
could aim their daggers at your bosom ; that, like the 
last of the Romans, they would strike, not from hatred 
to the man, but love to the country. 

"From a knowledge of your own disposition and 
present feelings, your excellency will not be willing 
to believe that you could ever be brought to commit 
an act of tyranny, or ever to execute justice with un- 
necessary rigor ; but trust me. Sir, there is nothing 
more corrupting — nothing more destructive of the 
noblest and finest feelings of our nature — than of un- 
limited power. The men who, in the beginning of 



WILLIAM IIKNRY HARRISON. 301 

such a career, might shinhler at the Idea of taking 
away the life of a feUow-beiiig, might soon have liis 
conscience so seared by the repetition of crime, tliat 
the agonies of his murdered victims miglit become 
music to his soul, and the drippings of his scaffold 
afford "blood enough to swim in." History is full 
of such examples. 

"From this disgusting picture permit me to call 
the attention of your excellency to one of a different 
character. It exhibits you as the constitutional chief 
magistrate of a free people, giving to their representa- 
tives the influence of your great name, to reform the 
abuses which, in a long reign of tyranny and misrule, 
have fastened upon every branch of the government. 
The army and its swarm of officers reduced within 
the limits of real usefulness, placed on the frontiers, 
and no longer permitted to control public opinion, and 
be the terror of the peaceful citizen. By the removal 
of this incubus from the treasury, and the establish- 
ment of order, responsibility and economy in the ex- 
penditures of the government, it would sgon be enabled 
to dispense with the odious monopolies and the duty 
of the alcavaltiy which have operated with so malign 
an effect upon the commerce and agriculture ; and, 
indeed, upon the revenues which they were intended 
to augment. No longer oppressed by these shackles, 
industry would everywhere revive ; the farmer and 
the artisan, cheered by the prospect of ample reward 
for their labor, would redouble their exertions ; for- 
eigners, with their capital and skill in the arts, would 
26 



802 THE LIFE OF 

crowd hither to enjoy the advantages which could 
scarcely elscAvhere be found; and Colombia would 
soon exhibit the reality of the beautiful fiction of 
Fenelon — Labutum rising from misery and oppression 
to prosperity and happiness, under the counsels and 
direction of the concealed goddess. 

"What objections can be urged against this 
course ? Can any one acquainted with these circum- 
stances of the country doubt its success in restoring 
and maintaining tranquillity ? The people Avould cer- 
tainly not revolt against themselves, and none of the 
chiefs who are supposed to be factiously inclined 
would think of opposing the strength of the nation 
when directed by your talents and authority. But 
it is said that the want of intelligence amongst the 
people unfits them for the government. Is it not 
right, however, that the experiment should be fairly 
tried ? I have already said that this has not been 
done. For myself, I do not hesitate to declare my 
firm belief that it will succeed. The people of Co- 
lombia possess many traits of character suitable 
for a republican government. A more orderly, for- 
bearing, well-disposed people are nowhere to be met 
with. Indeed, it may be asserted, that their faults 
and vices are attributable to the cursed, government 
to which they have been so long subjected, and to tlie 
intolerant character of their rehgion, whilst their vir- 
tues are all their own. But admitting their present 
want of intelligence, no one has ever doubted their ca- 
pacity to acquire knowledge ; and under the strong 



WILLIAM HENRY IIARRISOX. 303 

motives which exist to ohtnin it, supported ))y the 
influence of your excellency, it would soon be ob- 
tained. 

" To yourself the advantage would be as great as 
to the country ; like acts of mercy the blessings would 
be reciprocal, your personal hapj)iness secured, and 
your fame elevated to a height which would leave but 
a single competition in the estimation of posterity. 
In bestowing the palm of merit the world has become 
wiser than formerly. The successful warrior is no 
longer entitled to the first place in the temple of fame. 
Talents of this kind have become too common and too 
often used for mischievous purposes to be regarded as 
they once were. In this enlightened age the now hero 
of the field and the successful leader of armies may, for 
the moment, attract attention ; but it will be such as 
is bestowed upon the passing meteor, whose blaze is 
no longer remembered when it is no longer seen. To 
be esteemed eminently great it is necessary to be em- 
inently good. The equalities of the general and the 
hero must be devoted to the advantage of mankind, 
before he will be permitted to assume the title of their 
benefactor ; and the station which he will hold in their 
regard and afi*ections will depend, not upon the num- 
ber and the splendor of his victories, but upon the re- 
sults and the use he may make of the influence he 
acquires from them. 

" If the fame of Washington depended upon his 
military achievements, would the common consent of 
the world allow him the pre-eminence he possesses ? 



804 THE LIFE OF 

The victories of Trenton, Monmouth and York, bril- 
liant as they were — exhibiting as they certainly did, the 
highest grade of military talents — are scarcely thought 
of. The source of the veneration and esteem which is 
entertained for his character by every description of 
politicians — the monarchist and aristocrat, as well as 
the republican — is to be found in his undeviating and 
exclusive devotedness to the interests of his country. 
No selfish consideration was ever suffered to intrude 
itself into his mind. For his country he conquered ; 
and the unrivaled and increasing prosperity of that 
country is constantly adding fresh glory to his name. 
General, the course which he pursued is open to you, 
and it depends upon yourself to attain the eminence 
which he reached before you. 

" To the eyes of military men the laurels you won 
on the fields of Vargas, Bayaca and Carebobo, will 
be forever green ; but will that content you ? Are 
you willing that your name should descend to posterity 
amongst the names of those whose fame has been de- 
rived from shedding human blood, without a single 
advantage to the human r^ce ; or shall it be united to 
that of Washington, as the founder and the father of 
a great and happy people ? The choice is before you. 
The friends of liberty throughout the world, and the 
people of the United States in particular, are wait- 
ing your decision with intense anxiety. Alexander 
toiled and conquered to obtain the applause of the 
Athenians ; will you regard as nothing the opinions 
of a nation which has evinced its superiority over that 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. b05 ' 

celebrated people in the science most UHcful to man, 
by having carried into actual practice a system of 
government, of which the wisest Athenians had but a 
glimpse in theory, and considered as a blessing never 
to be realized, however ardently to be desired. The 
place which you are to occupy in their esteem depends 
upon yourself. Farewell. "^/^ 

Immediately upon the arrival of General Harri- 
son's successor he took his departure from Bogota, 
and arrived at New York on the 16th of February, 
1830. He proceeded at once to his residence at North 
Bend, and again entered upon his favorite pursuit of 
agriculture with all the zeal of former years. A 
short time after his return he partook of a public din- 
ner, tendered him by the citizens of Cincinnati, as 
a mark of their high respect for his private virtues 
and distinguished public services. The next year he 
delivered the annual address before the Hamilton 
County Agricultural Society. This address gave con- 
vincins: evidence of General Harrison's familiar ac- 
quaintance with the theory as well as the practice of 
agriculture, and of the deep interest he felt in that 
most important of all branches of industry. An 
extract from it will illustrate the truth of this state- 
ment : 

^' The encouragement of agriculture, g<?ntlemen, 
would be praiseworthy in any country ; in our own it 
is peculiarly so, not only to multiply the means and 
enjoyments of life, but as giving greater stability and 
security to our political institutions. In all ages and 
2G* 



S06 THE LIFE OP 

in all countries, it has been observed, that the culti- 
vators of the soil are those who were least willing to 
part with their rights, and submit themselves to the will 
of a master. I have no doubt, also, that a taste for 
agricultural pursuits is the best means of disciplining 
the ambition of those daring spirits who occasionally 
spring up in the world for good or for evil, to defend 
or destroy the liberties of their fellow-men, as the 
principles received from education or circumstances 
may tend. As long as the leaders of the Roman 
armies were taken from the plow, to the plow they 
were willing to return ; never in the character of 
general forgetting the duties of the citizen, and ever 
ready to exchange the sword and the triumphal pur- 
ple, for the homely vestments of the husbandman. 

" The history of this far-famed republic is full of 
instances of this kind ; but none more remarkable 
than our own age and country have produced. The 
facinations of power, and the trappings of command, 
w^ere as much despised — and the enjoyment of rural 
scenes and rural employments as highly prized — by our 
Washington as by Cincinnatus or Regulus. At the 
close of his glorious military career, he says, ' I am 
preparing to return to that domestic retirement which 
it is well known I left with the deepest regret, and for 
which I have not ceased to sigh through a long and ■ 
painful absence.' 

"Your efforts, gentlemen, to diffuse a taste for 
agriculture amongst men of all descriptions and pro- 
fessions may produce results more important, even, 



^nLLlAM iiEMiY iiAnr.TFox. 307 

than Increasing the means of subsistence, and the en- 
joyments of life. It may cause some future con- 
queror for his country to end his career 

* Guiltless of his country's blood.' 

3ic ^ He u r^Q ^ijg heart-cheering prospect of 
herds and flocks feeding on unrivaled pastures, 
fields af grain exhibiting the scriptural proof that the 
seed had been sown on good ground, how often is 
the eye of the philanthropic traveler disgusted with 
the dark unsightly manufactories of a certain poison 
— poison to the body and the soid. A modern yEneas 
or Ulysses might mistake them for entrances into the 
infernal regions ; nor would they greatly err. But, 
unlike those passages which conduct the Grecian and 
Trojan heroes on their pious errands, the scence to 
which these conduct the unhappy wretch who shall 
enter are those exclusively of misery and woe. No 
relief to the sad picture ; no Tartarus there, no Ely- 
sium here. It is all Tartarian darkness, and not un- 
frequently Tartarian crimes. I speak more freely of 
the practice of converting the material of the ' staff 
of life' (and by which so many human beings yearly 
perish) into an article which is so destructive of 
health and happiness, because in that way I have 
sinned myself; but in that way I shall sin no more." 



r 

■ 308 THE LIFE or 



CHAPTER XIX. 

General Harrison's time and attention now and 
for several years after continued to be almost exclu- 
sively devoted to agricultural pursuits, — not so exclu- 
sively, however, that he was not ever ready to aid to 
the extent of his abilities, and in any way his ser- 
vices might be required in every useful and benevo- 
lent enterprise. His expensive literary attainments 
subjected him to frequent demands of this character. 
Frequent addresses, speeches and orations of his, 
written or spoken, during this period, are productions 
of no mean literary merit, and evincing a range of 
intellect and a depth of research which place General 
Harrison in the front rank of American orators and 
statesmen as well as writers. 

Passing over several of these productions, an ex- 
tract will be given from a speech delivered at Vin- 
cennes, in May, 1835, at a dinner given him by the 
citizens of that place, for the purpose of showing his 
opinions upon a question which then, as now, excited 
the deepest interest in the public mind. Though his 
opinions on the subject of slavery may not command 
the same attention now that they did when the public 
mind first began to be directed towards him as an 



WILLIAM HENRY IIAIIRIRON. 309 

aspirant for the hif^hest office in the nation, they are 
nevertheless entitled to that respect which everything 
emanating from a man of his character, talents and 
patriotism, should ever receive. Many of his senti- 
ments will, probably, scarcely find a response amongst 
a large number cf the people in one section of the 
Union. After having briefly referred to the move- 
ments of emancipation societies, and denounced them 
in terms that proved with how good a will it was 
done, he proceeds : — 

" Am I wrong in applying the terms weak, pre- 
sumptious and unconstitutional to the measures of the 
emancipators ? A slight examination will, I think, 
show that I am not. In the vindication of the objects 
of a convention lately held in one of the towns of 
Ohio, it was that nothing more w^as intended than to 
produce a state of public feeling which would lead to 
an amendment of the constitution of the United 
States. Now can an amendment of the constitution 
be effected without the consent of the southern states? 
What then is the proposition to be submitted to them ? 
* * * But the course pursued by the emancipa- 
tionists is unconstitutional. I do not say that there 
are any words in the constitution which forbid the 
discussions they are engaged in ; I know that there 
are not. Any citizens have the right to express and 
publish their opinions without restriction. But in the 
construction of the constitution it is always necessary 
to refer to the circumstances under which it was 
framed, and to ascertain its meaning by a comparison 



810 THE LIFE OP 

of its provisions witli each other, and with the pravi- 
ous situation of the several States who were parties to 
it. In a portion of these, slavery was recognized, 
and they took care to have the right secured to them ; 
to follow and reclaim such of them as were fugitives 
to other States. The laws of Congress, passed under 
this power, have provided punishment for any one 
who shall oppose or interrupt the excercise of this 
right. Now can any one believe that the instrument 
which contains a provision of this kind which author- 
izes a master to pursue his slave into another State, 
take him back, and provide punishment for -any citi- 
zen of that State who should oppose him, should at 
the same time authorize the latter to assemble to- 
gether, to pass resolutions, and adopt addresses, not 
only to encourage the slaves to leave their masters, 
but to cut their throats before they do so. 

" I insist, that if the citizens of the non-slave- 
holding States can avail themselves of the article of 
the constitution, which prohibits the restriction of 
speech, or the press to publish anything injurious to 
the rights of the slave-holding States, that they can 
go to the extreme that I have mentioned, and effect 
anything further which writing or speaking could 
effect. But, fellow-citizens, these are not the princi- 
ples of the constitution. Such a construction would 
defeat one of the great objects of its formation, 
which was that of securing the peace and harmony of 
the States which were parties to it. The liberty of 
speech and the press w^ere given as the most effect- 



WILLIAM HENRY IIAIUIISON. 311 

ual means to preserve to each and every citizen his 
own rights, and to tlie States the rights wliich apper- 
tained to thcui, at the time of tlieir a(h)ption. It 
could never have heen expected tliat it would have 
been used by the citizens of one portion of the States 
for the purpose of depriving those of another portion 
of the rights which they had reserved at the adoption 
of the constitution, and in the exercise of which none 
but themselves have any concern or interest. If sla- 
very is an evil, the evil is with them. If there is 
guilt in it, the guilt is theirs, not ours, since neither 
the States where it does not exist, nor the government 
of the United States, can, without usurpation of 
power, and the violation of a solemn compact, do 
anything to remove it without the consent of those 
who are immediately interested. But they will nei- 
ther aid nor consent to be aided, whilst the illegal, 
persecuting and dangerous movements are in progress, 
of which I complain ; the interest of all concerned re- 
quires that these should be stopped immediately. 
This can only be done by the force of public opinion, 
and that cannot too soon be brought into operation. 
Every movement which is made by the abolitionists 
in the non-slave-holding States is viewed by our south- 
ern brethren as an attack upon their rights, and 
which, if persisted in, must in the end eradicate those 
feelings of attachment and affection between the citi- 
zens of all the States, which was produced by a com- 
munity of interests an^ dangers in the war of the 
revolution, which was the foundation of our happy 



312 THE LIFE OF 

union, and by a continuance of which it can alone be 
preserved. I entreat you, then, to frown upon the 
measures which are to produce results so much to be 
deprecated. The opinions which I have now given 
I have omitted no opportunity, for the last two years, 
to lay before the people of my own State ; I have 
taken the liberty to express them here, knowing that 
if they should unfortunately not accord with yours, 
they would be kindly received. 

In relation to these opinions of General Harrison, 
it may be said that public opinion in the free States 
has taken a long stride forward in the sixteen years 
since their delivery and the present period. Then 
they were up with the sentiment of the northern 
people on the subject of slavery ; now they are far 
behind it, at least, on some points. While the great 
body of the citizens of the free States will cordially 
agree with him that neither they nor Congress have 
any right to interfere with slavery in the States, where 
it exists, they still claim the right to investigate it in 
all its relations to the North, and to use every proper 
means to prevent its extension beyond its present 
limits. 

For a long time the attention of the people of sev- 
eral of the States had been concentrating upon General 
Harrison as the most suitable man as the whig candi- 
date for President, at the ensuing presidential election. 
By a spontaneous movement in his behalf, he was nom- 
inated, on the part of the people, in the autumn of 
1835; and the nomination thus virtually made by the 



WILLIAM IIKNUV IIAURISON. 31 

people Mas confirmed by various State conventions op- 
posed to the re-election of Mr. A'an l^>iircn, held the 
same autumn or the ensuing spring. Several of the 
States, ho^Yever, either made no nomination, or nom- 
inated another candidate ; and this Avant of unani- 
mous and harmonious action between all the opponents 
of Mr. Van Buren, in every part of the Union, and the 
late period to which the canvass was deferred, led to the 
defeat of General Harrison. The result proved, how- 
ever, that ha<l he been brought before the people with 
the advantages which a national nomination and a 
national organization would have given him, and the 
confidence it would have inspired in his friends, he 
mif'ht have been elected ; and especially it proved 
that he possessed the elements of future success in 
his character. Though he received but seventy-two 
electoral votes, in the fifteen States in which he and 
Mr. Van Buren were the only candidates, he received 
five hundred and fifty-two thousand votes, and Mr. 
Van Buren five hundred and eighty, being a majority 
for the latter of the popular vote of only twenty-eight 
thousand. 

In 1837, General Harrison was selected to deliver 
a discourse before the Philosophical and Historical 
Society of Ohio, a duty that he discharged with con- 
summate ability. The subject of this address was on 
the Aborignies of the valley of the Ohio. It displays 
a very considerable degree of research, and a perfect 
familiarity with the ancient works and the Aborigines 
on the Ohio. It is written, too, with force and ele- 
27 



o 



14 THE LIFE OF 



gance, and is as Ingenious as it is profound. A sin- 
gle extract or two will illustrate this ; and also afford 
both pleasure and interest to the ent^uirer after both : 
— " The process by which nature restores the forest 
to its original state, after being once cleared, is ex- 
tremely slow. In our rich lands, indeed, it is soon 
covered again with timber, but the character of the 
growth is entirely different, and continues so through 
many generations of men. In several places on the 
Ohio, particularly upon the farm which I occupy, 
clearings were made in the first settlements, aban- 
doned, and suffered to grow up. Some of them, now 
to be seen, of nearly fifty years' growth, have made so 
little progress towards attaining the appearance of 
the immediately contiguous forest, as to induce any 
man of reflection to determine that at least ten times 
fifty years w^ould be necessary before its complete 
assimilation could be affected. The sites of the an- 
cient works on the Ohio present precisely the same 
appearance as the circumjacent forest. You find on 
them all that beautiful variety of trees which gives 
such unrivaled richness to our forest. This is par- 
ticularly the case on fifteen acres, included within the 
walls of the neck at the mouth of the Great Miami ; 
and the relative proportions of the different kinds of 
timber are about the same. The first growth on the 
same kind of land, once cleared, and then abandoned 
to nature, on the contrary, is more homogenious — 
often stinted to one or two, or at most to three, kindo 
of timber. 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 315 

"If tlic groiiTid had been cultivated, yclloAv locust, in 
many placs, will spring up as thick as garden peas. If 
it has not been cultivated, tlie black and white walnut 
will be the })revailing growth. The rapi<lity with which 
these trees grow, for a time, smothers the attempt of 
other kinds to vegetate and grow in their shade. The 
more thrifty individuals soon overtop the meeker of - 
their ow^n kind, which sicken and die. In this way there 
are soon only as many left as the earth will support 
to maturity. All this time the squirrel ma^^ plant the 
seed of those trees which serve them for food, and by 
neglect suffer them to remain, — it Avill be in vain ; 
the birds may drop the kernels, the external j)ulp of 
which have contributed to their nourishment, and di- 
vested of which they are in the best state for ger- 
minatinir, still it will be of no avail ; the winds of 
heaven may waft the winged seeds of the sycamour, 
cotton-wood and maple, and a friendly shower may 
bury them to the necessary depth in the loose and 
fertile soil ; but without success. The roots below 
rob them of moisture, and the canopy of limbs and 
leaves above interrupt the rays of the sun and the 
dews of heaven : the young giants in possession, like 
another kind of aristocracy, absorb the whole means of 
subsistence, and leave the mass to perish at their feet ; 
this state of things, however,will not always continue. 
If the process of nature is slow and circuitous in 
putting down usurpation and establishing the equality 
which she loves, and which is the great characteristic 
of her principles, it is sure and effectual. The pref- 



316 THE LIFE OF 

erence of the soil for the first growth ceases with its 
maturity ; it admits of no succession on the principle 
of legitimacy. The long undisputed masters of the 
forest may be thinned by the lightnings, the tempest, 
or by diseases peculiar to themselves ; and w^ienever 
this is the case, one of the oft-rejected of another 
family, will find between its decaying roots shelter 
and appropriate food, and, springing into vigorous 
growth, will soon push its green foliage to the skies 
through the decayed and withering limbs of its blasted 
and dying adversary ; the soil itself yielding it a 
more liberal support than any scion from any occu- 
pant. It will be conceived what a length of time it 
will require for a denuded tract of land, by a process 
so slow, again to clothe itself with the amazing variety 
of foliage which is the characteristic of the forests of 
this region. Of what immense age, then, must be 
those works, so often referred to, covered, as has been 
supposed by those who have the best opportunity of 
examining them, with the second growth after the 
second forest state had been regained. ^ ^ ^ 

"An erroneous opinion has prevailed in relation 
to the character of the Indians of North America. 
By many they are supposed to be stoics, who willingly 
encounter deprivations. The very reverse is the fact ; 
if they belong to either of the classes of philosophers 
which prevailed in the declining ages of Greece and 
Rome, it is to that of epicureans ; for no Indian 
will forego an enjoyment, or suffer an inconvenience, 
if he can avoid it, but under peculiar circumstances, 



■vvillta:m iirxRV ttahrtson. 317 

— "wlioii, fur iiistaiico, he is .stimulated by some strong 
passion : but even tlic gratification of this he is ever 
ready to postpone, "whenever its accoinplishmont is 
attended ^vith unlooked for (hmger, or unexpected 
hardsliips. Hence tlieir military operations Averc 
always feeble — tlieir expeditions few and far between, 
and much tlie greater number abandoned without an. 
clHeient stroke, from whim, caprice or an aversion to 
encounter difiiculties. But if the Indian will not 
throw off' ' the pomps and pleasures' with which his 
good fortune furnishes him, — when evils come which 
he cannot avoid — when ' the stings and arrows of out- 
rageous fortune' fall thick upon him, — then will he 
call up all the spirit of a man into his bosom, and 
meet his fate, however hard, like ' the best Roman of 
them all.' * * * 

" It may be proper that I should say something 
more as to the character of the now scattered and 
almost extinct tribes which so long and so success- 
fully resisted our arms, and who, for many years after, 
stood in the relation of dependents, acknowledging 
themselves under our exclusive protection. Their 
character as warriors has been already remarked upon ; 
their bravery has never been questioned, although 
there was certainly a considerable diiference between 
the several tribes in this respect. With AVyandots, 
flight in battle, when meeting with unexpected resist- 
ance or obstacle, brought with it no disgrace. It was 
considered rather as a principle of tactics ; and I think 
it may be fairly considered as having its source in that 
27* 



318 THE LIFE OP 

peculiar temperament of mind which they often man- 
ifested of not pressing fortune under any sinister cir- 
cumstances, but patiently waiting until the changes 
of a successful issue appeared to be favorable. With 
the Wyandots it was otherwise ; their youth were 
taught to consider anything that had the appearance 
of an acknowledgment of a superiority of an enemy 
as disgraceful. In the battle of the Miami Rapids, 
of thirteen chiefs of that tribe who w^e represent, one 
only survived, and he badly wounded. 

" As it regards their moral and intellectual quali- 
ties the difference between the tribes was still greater. 
The Shawanees, Delawares, and Miamis were much 
superior to the other members of the confederacy. 
I have known individuals among them of very high 
order of talents, but these were not generally to be 
relied on for sincerity. The Little Turtle, of the Mi- 
ami tribe, was of this description, as was the Blue 
Jacket, a Shawanee chief. I think it probable that 
Tecumthe possessed more integrity than any other of 
the chiefs who attained to much distinction. But he 
violated a solemn engagement which he had freely 
contracted, and there are strong suspicions of his 
having formed a treacherous design which an accident 
only prevented him from accomplishing. Sinister in- 
stances are, however, to be found in the conduct of 
great men in the history of almost all civilized na- 
tions. But these instances are more than counter- 
balanced by the number of individuals of high mor;il 
character which were to be found amongst the princi 



WILLFAM HENRY HARRISON. 819' 

pnl and secondary cliicfs of tlio four tribes above 
mentioned. This Avas particularly the case \vith 
Tachc or the Crane, the Grand Sachem of the Wy- 
andots, and Black Hoof, the chief of tlie Shaw- 
anees/'y' 

The opinions of General Harrison upon the sub- 
ject of dueling may not be without interest, and pos- 
sibly they exert some slight influence even in an age 
■when tlie barbarous custom has almost been driven 
from respectable society. In 1838, he addressed a 
letter to A. B. Howell, Esq., of New Jersey, on this 
subject, from which an extract will be made. He 
illustrates the dreadful effects of the practice, and its 
demoralizing tendency, principally by giving one or 
two instances of his own experience in such matters : — 

"I believe," he says, "that there were more 
duels in the north-western army between the years 
1791 and 1795 than ever took place in the same 
length of time, and amongst so small a body of men 
as composed the commissioned officers of the army, 
either in America or any other country, at least in 
modern times. I became an officer in the first-men- 
tioned year, at so early an age, that it is not wonder- 
ful that I implicitly adopted the opinions of the older 
officers, most of whom were veterans of the revolution, 
upon this as well as upon other subjects connected 
w'ith my conduct and duty in the profession I had 
chosen. I believed, therefore, in common Avitli the 
large portion of the officers, that no brave man would 
decline a challenge, nor refrain from giving one 



320 THE LIFE OF 

whenever he considered his rights or feelings had been 
trespassed upon. I must confess, too, that I was 
not altogether free from the opinion that even honor 
might be acquired from a well fought duel. Fortun- 
ately, however, before I was engaged in a duel, either 
as principal or second, which terminated fatally to 
any one, I became convinced that all my opinions 
upon the subject were founded in error, and none of 
them more so than those which depicted the situation 
of the successful duelist, as either honorable or desi- 
rable. It could not be honorable, because the greater 
portion of that class of mankind, whose good opinion 
of an individual confers honor upon him, were opposed 
to it ; and I had the best evidence to believe that in 
the grave of the fallen duelist was frequently buried 
the peace and happiness of the survivor ; the act 
which deprived the one of existence in planting a 
thorn in the bosom of another which would continue 
to rankle and foster there to the end of his days. 
The conviction that such was the case with men of 
good feelings and principles was produced by witness- 
ing the mental sufferings of an intimate and valued 
friend by whose hand a worthy man had fallen. * * 
" In the summer of the year 1793, Lieutenant 
Drake, of the infantry of the second sub-legion, re- 
ceived a marked insult from another officer. Mani- 
festing no disposition to call him to an account, some 
of those who wished him well, amongst whom I was 
one, spoke to him on the subject, expressing our fears 
that his reputation as an officer would greatly suffer 



WILLIAM ITKNRY nAURL"=;ON. 321 

if he permitted such an insult to pass unnoticed. The 
answer that he gave me was that he cared not what 
opinion the officers miglit form of hiiu ; lie was de- 
termined to pursue his own course. That course was 
so novel iu the army that it lust him, ;is i sn})posed 
it would, the respect of nearly all the officers. The 
ensuing summer, however, gave Mr. Drake an oppor- 
tunity of vindicating most triumphantly his conduct 
and his principles. He had been stationed in a small 
fortress, erected by General Wayne, during the winter, 
upon the spot in which they had the previous day 
deposited a quantity of provisions, and which had 
been rendered remarkable by the defeat of General 
St. Clair's army three years before. The garrison 
consisted of a single rifle company and thirty infan- 
try, and of the latter Drake was the immediate com- 
mander. In the beginning cf July, a detachment of 
the army, consisting of several hundred men, under 
the command of Major McMahon, being encamped 
near the fort, were attacked early iu the morning by 
about three thousand Indians. The troops made a 
gallant resistance, but being turned on both -flanks, 
and in danger of being surrounded, they retreated 
to the open ground around the fort. 

*' From this, too, they were soon dislodged by the 
over-powering force of the enemy. In their retreat 
many wounded men were in danger of being left, 
which being observed from the fort, the commandant, 
Captain Gibson, directed his own lieutenant to take 
the infantry (Drake's particular command) and a por- 



322 THE LIFE OF 

tion of the riflemen and sally out to their relief. To 
this Drake objected, and claimed the right to com- 
mand his own men, and, as a senior to the other lieu- 
tenant, his right also to the whole command. ' 0, 
very well, Sir,' said the captain, 'if such is your 
wish, take it.' 'It is my wish. Sir, to do my duty, 
and I will endeav^or to do it now and at all times,' 
was the modest reply of Drake. lie accordingly 
sallied out, skillfully interposed his detachments be- 
tween the retreating troops and the enemy, opened 
upon them a hot firet arrested their advance, and gave 
an opportunity to the wounded to effect their escape, 
and to the broken and retreating companies of our 
troops to reform, and again to face the enemy. 
Throughout the whole affair Drake's activity, skill 
and extraordinary self-possession, was most conspicu- 
ous. The enemy of course observed, as well as his 
friends, the numerous shots directed at him, however, 
like the arrows of Tenar aimed at the heart of Hec- 
tor, were turned aside by providential interference, 
until he had accomplished all that he had been sent 
to p&rform. He then received a ball through his 
body, and fell ; a faithful corporal came to his assist- 
ance, and with his aid he reached the fort, and those 
two were the last of the retreating party that entered 
it. Drake made it a point of order that it should be 
so. He was rendered unfit for service for a long time 
by his wound. He had not, indeed, recovered from 
*t in the summer of 1796, when he was my guest 
at Fort Wayne, where I was in command, while 



AVILIJAM IIF.NRY HARRIFON. 323 

on furloun;]i, to visit liis native State, Connecticut. 
His friends, liowever, enjoyed liis presence but a short 
time. Ilavinfr, as I understood, taken the yellow 
fever in ])MSsin_L!^ throuiili IMiiladclphia, he died a few 
days after he reached home. * * * 

"■ I acknowledge, then, that the change of my 
opinions whi^-h I liave admitted in relation to dueling 
have no other influence on my conduct than to deter- 
mine mo never to be the aggressor. But although 
resolved to offer no insult nor to inflict any injury, I 
was determined to suffer none. • When I left the 
army, however, and retired to civil life, I considered 
mvself authorized greatly to narrow the ground upon 
which I would be willing to resort to a personal com- 
bat. To the determination which I had previously 
made, to offer no insult or to inflict any injury, to give 
occasion to any one to call upon me in this way, I re- 
Bolved to disregard all remarks upon ray conduct which 
could not be construed into a deliberate insult, or any 
injury which did not affect my reputation, or the happi- 
ness and peace of my family. When I had the honor 
to be called upon to command the north-western army, 
recollecting the number of gallant men that had fallen 
in the former war in personal combat, I determined 
to use all the authority and all the influence of my 
station to prevent their recurrence. xVnd to take 
away the principal source from which they sprung, in 
an address to the Pennsylvania brigade, at Sandusky, 
I declared it to be my determination to prevent, by 
all the means the military laws placed in my hands, 



324 THE LIFE OF 

any injury or even insult which should be oifered by 
the superior to the inferior officers. I cannot say what 
influence this course upon my part may have produced 
in the result ; but I state with pleasure that there was 
not a single duel, nor, as far as I know, a challenge 
given, whilst I retained the command. 

"The activity in which the army was constantly 
kept may, however, have been the principal cause of 
this uncommon harmony. In relation to my present 
sentiments, a sense of higher obligation than huma.n 
laws or human opinions can impose, has determined 
me never, on any occasion, to accept a challenge, or 
seek redress for a personal injury, by a resort to the 
laws which compose the code of honor." 



WILLIAM IIKNUY UAIIRISON. 325 



CHAPTER XX. 

Ix the fall of 1838, 'tin Anti-Masonic National 
Convention assembled at Harrisburgh, and after a 
calm and careful survey of the whole ground, nomi- 
nated General Harrison as the candidate of that party 
for the Presidency in 1840. The proceedings of this 
convention were communicated to him by the Honor- 
able Harman Denny. In December of the same year, 
General Harrison replied to this official announcement, 
laying down his views of the duty of the chief exec- 
utive of the nation, and the principles by which he 
should be governed if elected. 

Having expressed his gratitude to the convention 
for the honor conferred upon him, he proceeds thus 
to develope his political creed. Among the principles 
proper to be adopted by an executive sincerely desi- 
rous to restore the administration to its oriirinal sim- 
plicity and purity, he laid down the following as of 
the most prominent importance : 

I. To confine his services to a single term. 

II. To disclaim all right of control over the pub- 
lic treasury, with the exception of such part of it as 
may be appropriated by law to carry on the public 

28 



rSG THE LIFE Ot 

service, and that to be applied precisely as the law 
may direct, and drawn from the treasury agreeably to 
the long-established forms of that department. 

III. That he should never attempt to influence 
the elections, either by the people or the State legis- 
latures, nor suffer the federal officers under his control 
to take any other part in them than by giving their 
own votes when they possess the right of voting. 

IV. That, in the exercise of the veto power, he 
should limit his rejection of bills to, — 1st. Such as are, 
in his opinion, unconstitutional ; 2nd. Such as tend 
to encroach on the rights of the States or individuals ; 
3rd. Such as involving deep interests, may, in his 
opinion, require more mature deliberation or reference 
to the will of the people, to be ascertained at the suc- 
ceeding elections. 

Y. That he should never suffer the influence of 
his office to be used for purposes of a purely party 
character. 

VI. That in removals from office of those who 
hold their appointments during the pleasure of the 
executive, the cause of such removal should be stated, 
if requested, to the Senate, at the time the nomination 
of a successor is made. 

And last, but not least in importance, 

VII. That he should not suffer the executive de- 
partment of the government to become the source of 
legislation ; but leave the whole business of making 
laws for the Union to the department to which the 
constitution has exclusively assigned it, until they have 



"WILLIAM IIENIIV IIARUISOX. 327 

lissunicd that perfected sliupc, ulicro and when alono 
the opinions of the executive may be heard. 

A community of power in tlio preparation of the 
laws between tlie legislative and executive depart- 
ments nmst necessarily lead to dangerous combina- 
tions, greatly to the advantage of a President desirous 
of extending his power. Such a construction of the 
constitution could never have been contemplated by 
those who propose the bills, and will always take care 
of themselves or the interests of their constituents ; 
and hence the provision in the constitution, borrowed 
from that of England, restricting the originating of 
revenue bills to the immediate representatives of the 
people. 

Referring to the appointment of members of 
Congress to office by the President, he says the con- 
stitution contains no prohibition of such appointments, 
no doubt because its authors could not believe in its 
necessity for the purity of character which was man- 
ifested by those who possessed the confidence of the 
people at that period. It is, however, an opinion 
very generally entertained by the opposition party, 
that the country would have escaped much of theevil 
under which it has suffered for some years past, if 
the constitution had contained a provision of that 
kind. * * -l: 

" To the duties I have enumerated, so proper, in 
my opinion, to be performed by a President, elevated 
by the opposition to the present administration (and 
which are, as I believe, of constitutional obligation), 



328 THE LIFE OF 

I will add another, which I believe also to be of much 
importance ; I mean the observance of the most con- 
ciliatory course of conduct towards our political op- 
ponents. After the censure our friends have so freely 
and so justly bestowed upon the present chief magis- 
istrate for having, in no inconsiderable degree, dis- 
franchised the whole body of his political opponents, 
I am certain that no oppositionist, true to the princi- 
ple he professes, would approve a similar course of 
conduct in the person whom his vote has contributed 
to elect. In a republic, one of the surest tests of a 
healthy state of its institutions is to be found in the 
community with which every citizen may, upon all 
occasions, express his political opinions, and even his 
prejudices, in the discharge of his duty as an elector. 
" The question may be asked of me, what security 
I have in my power to offer, if the majority of the 
American people should select me for their chief mag- 
istrate, that I would adopt the principles which I have 
herein laid down as those upon which my administration 
would be conducted, I could only answer by referring to 
my conduct, and the disposition manifested in the dis- 
charge of the duties of several important offices which 
have heretofore been conferred upon me. If the 
power placed in my hands has, on even a single occa- 
sion, been used for any purpose other than that for 
which it was given, or retained longer than was nec- 
essary to accomplish the objects designated by those 
from whom the trusts were received, I will acknowl- 
edge that either will constitute a sufficient reason for 



WILLIAM HENRY UARPISON. 829^ 

discrediting any promises I may make under the cir- 



ciim 



istances in Avliicli I am now placed./ 

"The time liad now arrived for selecting a Presi- 
dential candidate In opposition to Martin Van Buren, 
who was almost the only man the democratic party 
had spoken of for tliat oilice. Though General Har- 
rison was defeated in 1830, hy causes heretofore 
hastily glanced at, his friends were far from being 
discouraged by the event. On the contrary, the vote 
that he received, in spite of the unfavorable circum- 
stances under which he entered the contest, more than 
ever satisfied them that he might be elected if once 
the whole opposition could be united upon him, and 
their hopes were greatly strengthened by the univer- 
sal dissatisfaction that prevailed throughout the coun- 
try against the administration of Mr. Van Buren. 
Hitherto the Avhig party in each State of the Union 
had nominated their own candidate in their own way ; 
but the necessity had gradually made itself apparent 
that some mode must be adopted by which the senti- 
ment of the whole whig party could be concentrated 
upon one point. Accordingly a caucus of the whig 
members of Congress was held at AVashington on the 
15th of May, 1838, to devise some plan of combining 
the strength of the opposition against Mr. Van Buren. 
They finally resolved upon a national convention as 
theworgan through whom the will of that party should 
be expressed, and it was decided that it should be 
held at Harrisburgh, on the first Wednesday in De- 
cember, 1839, each State to be entitled to as many 
28* 



330 THE LIFE OP 

delegates as it had senators and representatives in 
Congress. 

*' The convention met at Harrisburgh, in accord- 
ance with this appointment. Delegates were in attend- 
ance from twentj-two of the twenty-six States. It 
undoubtedly combined more talent and patriotism, 
and a larger number of the eminent men of the nation 
than any body of any kind that ever before assem- 
bled in this country, with the single exception of the 
old continental Congress, and the convention which 
framed our national constitution. Amongst them 
were sixteen ex-governors, United States senators and 
ex-senators, members of Congress and ex-members, 
and some of the highest officers and most distinguished 
citizens from every State in the Union that was rep- 
resented. And they assembled , with motives as patri- 
otic and purposes as pure as their characters were high. 
They saw, or thought they saw, that the best interests 
of the country required a change in the administra- 
tion, and they entered upon the discharge of the duty 
with which they had been delegated with a disposition 
to sacrifice every personal consideration, and relin- 
quish all personal preferences to the general good. 

Mr. Webster having requested that his name 
should not be brought before the convention, the only 
candidates were William Henry Harrison, Winfield 
Scott and Henry Clay. The friends of each urged 
their favorite with all the zeal and warmth their lifish 
characters, great talents, and important public ser- 
vices were so well calculated to inspire. The choice, 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 331 

after an ardent contest, fell upon General Harrison ; 
and then it was that the real patriotism of the con- 
vention exhihited itself in all its force, and in its true 
colors. The moment the nomination was known, all 
the warmth of feeling that had heen engendered by 
an cxciung canvass was forgotten, and the States, one 
after another, through one or more of their delegates, 
cordially, eloquently, nobly, responded to it ; the only 
rivalry being who should be the first to show that if 
he had preferred either General Scott or Mr. Clay 
to the successful candidate, it was not because they 
had any doubt of his patriotism, his abilities or his 
honesty. 

The generous cordiality with which this nomina- 
tion was received by the convention was but the pre- 
monitory symptoms of the deep satisfaction which it 
created amongst the people themselves. They were 
already ripe for a revolution in the administration, 
and when the name 'of a man who had not only dis- 
tinguished himself as one of the first captains of the 
day, but who had proved himself an accomplished 
statesman, and, above all, an honest man and a well- 
tried patriot, the popular feeling broke out in such 
exhibitions of enthusiasm as this nor any other coun- 
try ever before witnessed. There was undoubtedly 
some little disappointment amongst the friends of the 
imsuccessful candidates, but it was comparatively only 
momentary. The canvass gave rise to a system of 
immense mass meetings, at which the people met by 
tens and twenties, and fifties of thousands, to listen 



832 THE LIFE OF 

to the discussion of party principles, and to a mode 
.of electioneering as novel as it was exciting. 

At such times as the several States had determined 
the election took place, and General Harrison received 
the electoral vote of twenty of the twenty-six States, 
and two hundred and thirty-four electoral votes of the 
two hundred and ninety-four, Mr. Yan Buren receiv- 
ing the vote of six States and sixty electoral votes. 
There were two millions, three hundred and ninety- 
five thousand, nine hundred votes polled, of which 
General Harrison received one million, two hundred 
and sixty-nine thousand, seven hundred and sixty- 
three ; and Mr. Van Buren one million, one hundred 
and twenty-six thousand, one hundred and thirty- 
seven, giving Harrison a majority of one hundred and 
forty-three thousand, six hundred and forty-six of the 
popular vote. The vote of the electoral colleges was 
opened in Congress, and the election of General Har- 
rison as President of the United States was officially 
declared. 



AVll.LIAM IIKMIV HARRISON. (888 



^8 



CHAPTER XXI. 

Ox the 4th of March, 1841, General Harrison 
was inaugurated as eleventh President of the United 
States, with the usual ceremonies of that important 
occasion. The oath of office was tended him by 
Chief Justice Taney. The event drew together an 
immense concourse of citizens from every party of the 
Union, to witness the simple, yet imposing and sub- 
lime ceremony ; and he entered upon the duties of 
his high position with as bright anticipations, as hon- 
est purposes, and as firm resolves on his own part, 
and with the confidence of the American people to as 
great an extent as any man who had occupied the 
position since Washington. The inaugural address 
was read by the President, from the steps of the cap- 
itol, in a voice so clear and distinct as to have been 
clearly heard by the vast multitude of spectators 
present. Though of great length, it is entitled to a 
place in a work of this character, aside from its im- 
portant declaration of principles, and the lesson of 
political wisdom it contains. It is given below: 

" Called from a retirement which I had supposed 
was to continue fur the residue of my life, to fill the 



N" 



334 THE LIFE OF 

chief executive office of this great and free nation, I 
appear before you, fellow-citizens, to take the oath 
which the constitution prescribes as a necessary qual- 
ification for the performance of its duties; and in 
obedience to the custom coeval with our government, 
and what I believe to be your expectations, I proceed 
to present to you a summary of the principles which 
wdll govern me In the discharge of the duties which I 
shall be called upon to perform. 

" It w^as the remark of a Iloman consul, in an early 
period of that celebrated republic, that a most striking 
contrast was observable in the conduct of candidates for 
offices of power and trust, before and after obtaining 
them — they seldom carrying out in the latter case the 
pledges and promises made in the former. However 
much the world may have improved m many respects 
in the lapse of upwards of two thousand years since 
the remark w^as made by the virtuous and indignant 
Roman, I fear that a strict examination of the annals 
of some of the modern elective governments would 
develop similar instances of violated confidence. 

Although the fiat of the people has gone forth 
proclaiming me the chief magistrate of this glorious 
Union, nothing on their part remaining to be done, it 
may be thought that a motive may exist to keep up 
the delusion under which they may be supposed to 
have acted in relation to my principles and opinions, 
and perhaps there may be some in this assembly who 
have come here either prepared to condemn those I 
shall now deliver, or, approving them, to doubt the 



WILLIAM IIKNRY HARRISON. 335 

sincerity witli 'vvhicli they arc uttered ; but the lapse 
of a few months will confirm or dispel their fears. 
The outlines of principles to govern and measures to 
be adopted, by an administration not yet begun, will 
soon be exchanged for immutable history ; and I shall 
stand, either exonerated by my countrymen, or classed 
with the mass of those who promised that they might 
deceive, and flattered with the intention to betray. 

" However strong may be my present purpose to 
realize the expectations of a magnanimous and confid- 
ing people, I too well understand the infirmities of 
human nature and the dangerous temptations to 
which I shall be exposed, from the magnitude of the 
power which it has been the pleasure of the peO' 
pie to commit to my hands, not to place my chief 
confidence upon the aid of that Almighty Power 
which has hitherto protected me, and enabled me to 
bring to favorable issues other important, but still 
greatly inferior, trusts heretofore confided to me by 
my country. 

" The broad foundation upon which our constitu- 
tion rests, being the people — a breath of theirs having 
made, as a breath can unmake, change, or modify it 
— it can be assigned to none of the great divisions of 
government but to that of democracy. If such is 
its theory, those who are called upon to administer it 
must recognize, as its leading principle, the duty of 
shaping their measures so as to produce the greatest 
good to the greatest number. But, with these broad 
admissions, if we would compare the sovereignty ac- 



336 THE LIFE OF 

knowledged to exist in the mass of our people, with 
the power claimed by other sovereignties, even by 
those which have been considered most purely demo- 
cratic," we shall find a most essential difference; all 
others lay claim to power limited only by their own 
will. The majority of our citizens, on the contrary, 
possess a sovereignty with an amount of power pre- 
cisely equal to that which has been granted to them 
by the parties to the national compact, and nothing 
beyond. We admit of no government by divine 
right — believing that, so far as power is concerned, 
the beneficent Creator has made no distinction among 
men ; that all are upon an equality ; and that the 
only legitimate right to govern is an express grant 
of power from the governed. The Constitution of the 
United States is the instrument containing this grant 
of power to the several departments composing the 
government. On an examination of that instrument 
it will be found to contain declarations of power 
granted, and of power withheld. The latter is also 
susceptible of division into power which the majority 
had the right to grant, but which they did not think 
proper to entrust to their agents, and that which they 
could not have granted, not being possessed by them- 
selves. In other words, there are certain rights pos- 
sessed by each individual American citizen, which in 
his compact with the others he has never surrendered. 
Some of them, indeed, he is unable to surrender, 
being in the language of our system inalienable. 

The boasted privilege of a Roman citizen was to 



WILLIAM HENRY HARIUSOX. 887 

hmi a shlold only against a petty provincial rule, whilst 
the proud democrat of Athens could console himself 
under a sentence of death for a su])posed violation of 
national faith which no one understood, and which, at 
times, was the subject of the mockery of all ; or of 
banishment from his home, his family and his coun- 
try, uith or without an alleged cause, that it was the 
act, not of a single tyrant or hated aristocracy, but 
of his assembled countrymen. Far different is the 
power of our sovereignty. It can interfere with no 
one's faith, prescribe forms of worship for no one's 
observance, inflict no punishment but after well ascer- 
tained guilt, the result of investigation under rules 
prescribed by the constitution itself. These precious 
privileges, and these, scarcely less important, of giving 
expression to his thoughts and opinions, either by 
writing or speaking, unrestrained but by the liability 
for injury to others, and that of a full participation 
in all advantages which flow from the government, 
the acknowledged property of all, the American citi- 
zen derives from no charter granted by his fellow- 
man. He claims them because he is himself a man ; 
fashioned by the same Almighty hand as the rest of 
his species, and entitled to a full share of the bless- 
ings with which he has endowed them. Notwithstand- 
ing the limited sovereignty possessed by the people of 
the United States, and the restricted grant of power to 
the government which they have adopted, enough has 
been given to accomplish all the objects for which it 
was created. It has been found powerful in war, and, 
29 



S3 



8 THE LIFE OF 



hitherto, justice has been administered, an intimale 
union effected, domestic tranquillity preserved, and 
personal liberty secured to the citizen. As vras to 
be expected, however, from the defect of language, 
and the necessarily sententious manner in which the 
constitution is written, disputes have arisen as to the 
amount of power which it has actually granted, or 
was intended to grant. This is more particularly the 
case in relation to that part of the instrument which 
treats of the legislative branch. And not only as 
regards the exercise of powers claimed under a gen- 
eral clause, giving that body the authority to pass all 
laws necessary to carry into effect the specified pow- 
ers, but in relation to the latter also. It is, however, 
consolatory to reflect that most of the instances of 
alleged departure from the letter or spirit of the con- 
stitution have ultimately received the sanction of a 
majority of the people. And the fact, that many of 
our statesmen, most distinguished for talent and pa- 
triotism, have been, at one time or other of their po- 
litical career, on both sides of each of the most warmly 
disputed questions, forces upon us the inference that 
the errors, if errors there were, are attributable to 
the intrinsic difficulty, in many instances, of ascer- 
taining the intentions of the framers of the constitu- 
tion, rather than the influence of any sinister or un- 
patriotic motive. 

" But the great danger to our institutions does 
not appear to me to be in a usurpation, by the gov- 
ernment, of power not granted by the people, but by 



J 



WILLTAAI ITF.NRY HARRISON'. 339 

the accumulation, in one of the departments, of 
tliat which was assigned to others. Limited as are 
the powers which have been granted, still enough have 
been granted to constitute a despotism, if concen- 
trated in one of the departments. Many of the stern- 
est rej)uhlicans of the day were alarmed at the extent 
of the power which has been granted to the federal 
government, and more particularly of that portion 
which has been assigned to the executive branch. 
There were m it features which appeared not to be in 
harmony with their ideas of a simple representative 
democracy or republic; and knowing the tendency of 
power to increase itself, particularly when exercised 
by a single individual, predictions were made that, at 
no very remote period, the government would termin- 
ate in virtual monarchy. It would not become me to 
say that the fears of those patriots would not have 
been already realized. But as I sincerely believe 
that the tendency of measures and of men's opinions, 
for some years past, has been in that direction, it is, 
I conceive, strictly proper that I should take this oc- 
casion to repeat the assurances I have heretofore 
given of my determination to arrest the progress of 
that tendency, if it really exist, and restore the gov- 
ernment to its pristine health and vigor, as far as 
this can be affected by any legitimate exercise of the 
power placed in my hands. 

*' I proceed to state, in as summary a manner as 
I can, my opinion of the sources of the evils which 
have been so extensively complained of, and the con- 



340 THE LIFE OF 

nectives which may be applied. Some of the former 
are unquestionably to be found in the defects of the 
constitution ; others, in my judgment, are attributable 
to a misconstruction of some of its provisions. Of the 
former is the elligibility of the same individual to a sec- 
ond term of the presidency. The sagacious mind of Mr. 
Jefferson early saw and lamented this error, and at- 
tempts have been made, hitherto without success, to 
apply the amendatory power of the States to its cor- 
rection. 

" As, however, one mode of correction is in the 
power of every President, and consequently in mine, 
it would be useless, and perhaps invidious, to enume- 
rate the evils of which, in the opinion of m.any of our 
fellow-citizens, this error of the sages who framed the 
constitution may have been the source and the bitter 
fruits which we are still to gather from it, if it con- 
tinues to disfigure our system. It may be observed, 
however, as a general remark, that republics can 
commit no greater error than to adopt or continue 
any feature in their systems of government which may 
be calculated to create or increase the love of power 
in the bosoms of those to whom necessity obliges them 
to commit the management of their affairs. And, 
surely, nothing is more likely to produce such a state 
of mind than the long continuance of an office of high 
trust. Nothing can be more corrupting, nothing more 
destructive, of all those noble feelings which belong to 
the character of a devoted republican patriot. When 
this corrupting passion once takes possession of the 



WILLIAM HENRY IIARUIPON. 341 

luinian mind, like the love of gold, it becomes insati- 
able. Tt is the never-dying worm in his bosom, grows 
with his growth, and strengthens with the declining 
years of its victim. If this is true, it is the part of 
wisdom for a republic to limit the service of that ofli- 
cer, at least, to whom she has intrusted the manage- 
ment of her foreign relations, the execution of her 
laws, and the command of her armies and navies, 
to a period so short as to prevent his forgetting that 
he is the accountable agent, not the principal — the 
servant, not the master. Until an amendment of 
the constitution can be effected, public opinion may 
secure the desired object. I give my aid to it by 
renewing the pledge heretofore given, that under no 
circumstances will I consent to serve a second term. 
*' But if there is danger to public liberty from the 
acknowledged defects of the constitution, in the want 
of limit to the continuance of the executive power in 
the same hands, there is, I apprehend, not much less 
from a misconstruction of that instrument, as it re- 
gards the powers actually given. I cannot conceive 
that, by a fair construction, any or either of its pro- 
visions would be found to constitute the President a 
part of the legislhtive power. It cannot be claimed 
from the power to recommend, since, although en- 
joined as a duty upon him, it is a privilege which he 
holds in common with every other citizen. And al- 
though there may be something more of confidence in 
the propriety of the measures recommended in the one 
case than in the other, in the obligations of ultimate 
29* 



342 THE LIFE OF 

decision there can be no difference. In the language 
of the constitution, ' all legislative powers' which it 
grants ' are vested in the Congress of the United 
States.' It would be a solecism in language to say 
that any portion of these is not included in the whole. 
" It may be said, indeed, that the constitution has 
given to the executive the power to annul the acts of 
the legislative body by refusing to them his assent. 
So a similar power has necessarily resulted from that 
instrument to the judiciary, and yet the judiciary 
forms no part of the legislature. There is, it is true, 
this difference between these grants of power ; the 
executive can put his negative upon the acts of the 
legislature for other cause than that of want of 
conformity to the constitution ; whilst the judiciary 
can only declare void those which violate that instru- 
ment. But the decision of the judiciary is final in 
such a case ; whereas, in every instance where the 
veto of the executive is applied, it may be overcome 
by a veto of two-thirds of both houses of Congress. 
The negative upon the acts of the legislature, by the 
executive authority, and that in the hands of one in- 
dividual, would seem to be an incongruity in our sys- 
tem. Like some others of a similaf character, how- 
ever, it appeared to be highly expedient, and if used 
only with the forbearance and in the spirit which was 
intended by its authors, it may be productive of great 
good, and be found one of the best safe-guards to the 
Union. At the period of the formation, the principle 
does not appear to havx3 enjoyed much favor in the 



V. IILIAM IlENUY HARRISON. 843 

State orovernmcnts. It existed in but two, and in one 
of these was a ])lural executive. If wc would search 
for the motives which operated upon tlie purely pat- 
riotic and enlightened assembly which framed the 
constitution for the adoption of a provision so appar- 
cn*tly repugnant to the leading democratic principle, 
that the majority should govern, we must reject the 
idea tliat they anticipated from it -any benefit to the 
ordinary course of legislation. They knew too well 
the hi<xh dejzi'ce of intelli'iencc which existed among 
the people, and the enlightened character of the State 
lejzij^latures, not to have the fullest confidence that 
t]ie two bodies elected by them would he worthy of 
such constituents, and, of course, that they would re- 
quire no aid in conceiving and maturing the measures 
which the circumstances of the country might require. 
And it is preposterous to suppose that a thought could 
for a moment have been entertained, that the Presi- 
dent, placed at the capital, in the centre of the coun- 
try, could better understand the wants and wishes of 
the people than their own immediate representatives, 
who spend a part of every year among them, living 
with them, often laboring with them, and bound to 
them by the triple tie of interest, duty, and affection. 
To assist or control Congress, then, in its ordinary 
legislation, could not, I conceive, have been the mo- 
tive for conferring the veto power on the President. 
This argument acquires additional force from the fact 
of its never having been thus used by the first six 
Presidents — and two of them were members of the 



344 THE LIFE OF 

convention ; one presiding over its deliberations, and 
the other having a larger share in consummating the 
labors of that august body than any other person. 
But if bills were never returned to Congress by either 
of the Presidents above referred to, upon the ground 
of their being inexpedient, or not as well adapted as 
they might be to the wants of the people, the veto 
was applied upon that of want of conformity to the 
constitution, or because errors had been committed 
from a too hasty enactment. 

" There is another ground for the adoption of the 
veto principle, which had probably more influence in 
recommending it to the convention than any other. 
I refer to the security which it gives to the just and 
equitable action of the legislature upon all parts of 
the Union. It could not but have occurred to the 
convention that, in a country so extensive, embracing 
so great a variety of soil and climate, and conse- 
quently of products, and which, from the same causes, 
must ever exhibit a great difference in the amount of 
population of its various sections, calling for a great 
diversity in the employments of the people, that the 
legislation of the majority might not always justly 
regard the rights and interests of the minority ; and 
that acts of this character might be passed under an 
express grant by the words of the constitution, and, 
therefore, not within the competency of the judiciary 
to declare void. That however enlightened and pat- 
riotic they might suppose, from past experience, the 
members of Congress might be, and however largely 



■WTLLTAM TIEXRY nARKI^^ON. 345 

partaking in general of tlie liberal feelings of the 
people, it "was impossible to expect that ])0(lies so con- 
stituted should not sometimes bo controlled by local 
interests and sectional feelings. It was proper, there- 
fore, to provide some umpire from whose situation and 
mode of appointment more independence and freedom 
from sucli influence might be expected. Sucli a one 
was afforded by the executive department, constituted 
by the constitution. A person elected to that high 
office, having his constituents in every section, StaJ;e 
and sub-division of the Union, must consider himself 
bound by the most solemn sanctions to guard, protect 
and defend the rights of all, and of every portion, 
great or small, from the injustice and oppression of 
the rest. I consider the veto power, therefore, given 
bv the constitution to the executive of the United 

a. 

States solely as a conservative power ; to be used 
only, — first, to protect the constitution from violation ; 
secondly, the people from the effects of hasty legisla- 
tion, where their will has probably been disregarded 
or not well understood ; and, thirdly, to prevent the 
effects of combinations, violative of the rights of mi- 
norities. In reference to the second of these objects, 
I may observe, that I consider it the right and the 
privilege of the people to decide disputed points of the 
constitution, arising from the general grant of power 
to Congress to carry into effect the powers expressly 
given. And I believe with Mr. Madison that repeated 
recognitions, under varied circumstances, in acts of 
the legislative, executive and judicial branches of the 



346 THE LIFE OF 

government, accompanied by indications in different 
modes of the concurrence of the general will of the 
nation, as affording to the President sufficient author- 
ity for his considering such disputed points as settled. 

" Upwards of half a century has elapsed since the 
adoption of our present form of government. It will 
be an object more highly desirable than the gratifica- 
tion of the curiosity of speculative statesmen if its 
precise situation could be ascertained, and a fair ex- 
hibit made of the operations of each of its depart- 
ments ; of the powers which they respectively claim 
and exercise ; of the collisions which have occurred 
between them, or between the whole government and 
those of the States, or either of them. We could then 
compare our actual condition after fifty years' trial 
of our system, with what it was in the commencement 
of its operations, and ascertain whether the predic- 
tions of the patriots who opposed its adoption, or the 
confident hopes of its advocates, have been best real- 
ized. The great dread of the former seems to have 
been, that the reserved powers of the States would be 
absorbed by those of the federal government, and a 
consolidated power established, leaving to the States 
the shadow only of that independent action for which 
they had so zealously contended, and on the preser- 
vation of which they relied as the last hope of liberty. 

"Without denying that the result to which they 
looked with so much apprehension is in the way of 
being realized,, it is obvious that they did not clearly 
see the mode of its accomplishment. The general 



WILLIAM HENRY nARRI5-0N. 347 

government lias siezcd upon none of the reserved 
rights of the States. As far as any open warfare 
may liavc gone, the State authorities have amply 
maintained their rights. To a casual observer, our 
systoni presents no appearance of discord between the 
different members which comj)ose it. Even the addi- 
tion of many new ones has produced no jarring ; they 
move in ther respective orbits in perfect harmony 
with the central head, and with each other. But 
there is still an under current at work, by which, if 
not seasonably checked, the worst apprehensions of 
our anti-federal patriots will be realized. And not 
only will the State authorities be overshadowed by the 
great increase of the power in the executive depart- 
ment of the general government, but the character of 
that government, if not its designation, be essentially 
and radically changed. 

'' This state of things has been in part effected by 
causes inherent in the constitution, and in part by 
the never-failing tendency of political power to in- 
crease itself. By making the President the sole dis- 
tributor of all the patronage of the government, the 
framers of the constitution do not appear to have an- 
ticipated at how short a period it would become a 
formidable instrument to control the free operations 
of the State governments. Of trifling importance at 
first, it had, early in Mr. Jefferson's administration, 
become so powerful as to create great alarm in the 
mind of that patriot, from the potent influence it 
might exert in controling the freedom of the elec- 



348 THE LIFE OF 

tive franchise. If such could have then been the 
effect of its influence, how much greater must be its 
danger at this time, quadrupled in amount, as it cer- 
tainly is, and more completely under the control of 
the executive will than their construction of the pow- 
ers allowed, or the forbearing characters, of all the 
earlier presidents permitted them to make. But it is 
not by the extent of its patronage alone that the ex- 
ecutive department has become dangerous, but by the 
use which it appears may be made of the appointing 
power to bring under its control the whole revenues 
of the country. 

" The constitution has declared it the duty of the 
President to see that the laws are executed, and it 
makes him the commander-in-chief of the armies and 
navy of the United States. If the opinion of the 
most approved writers upon that species of mixed 
government which in modern Europe is termed mon- 
archy^ in contradistinction to despotism, is correct, 
there was wanting no other addition to the powers of 
our chief magistrate to stamp a monarchial character 
on our government but the control of the public 
finances. And to me it appears indeed that any one 
should doubt that the entire control which a President 
possesses over the officers who have the custody of 
the public monies by the power of removal, with or 
without cause, does for all mischievous purpose?, at 
least, virtually subject the treasure also to his disposal. 
The first Roman emperor, in his attempt to seize tlie 
sacred treasure, silenced the opposition of the oiEcer 



WILLIAM IIF.MIY nARUISOX. 340 

to wliosc cliar«T;e it had been committed by a signifi- 
cant allusion to his sword. By a selection of politi- 
cal instruments for the care of the public money, a 
reference to their commission by a President would 
be quite as effectual an argument as that of Caesar to 
the Roman knight. I am not insensible of the great 
difficulty that exists in devising a proper plan for the 
safe-keeping and disbursement of the public revenues, 
and I know the importance which has been attached 
by men of great abilities and patr'iotism to the divorce, 
as it is called, of the treasury from the banking insti- 
tutions. It is not the divorce which is complained of, 
but the unhallowed union of the treasury with the 
executive department which has created such exten- 
sive alarm. To this danger to our republican institu- 
tions, and that created by the influence given to the 
executive throuo;h the instrumentality of the federal 
officers, I propose to apply all the remedies which 
may be at my command. 

'•' It was certainly a great error, in the framers of 
the constitution, not to have made the officer at the 
bead of the treasury department entirely independent 
of the executive. lie should at least have been re- 
movable only upon the demand of the popular branch 
of the legislature. I have determined never to re- 
move a secretary of the treasury without communi- 
cating all the circumstances attending such removal 
to both Houses of Congress. The influence of the 
executive in controling the freedom of the elective 
franchise through the medium of the public officers 
30 



350 THE LIFE OF 



can be effectually checked by renewing the prohibi- 
tion published by Mr. Jefferson, forbidding their in- 
terference in elections further than giving their own 
votes ; and their OAvn independence secured by an 
assurance of perfect immunity, in exercising this sa- 
cred privilege of freemen under the dictates of their 
own unbiased judgments. Never, with my consent, 
shall an officer of the people, compensated for his 
services out of their pockets, become the pliant instru- 
ment of executive wtII. 

" There is no part of the means placed in the 
hands of the executive which might be used with 
greater effect, for unhallowed purposes, than the con- 
trol of the public press. The maxim which our an- 
cestors derived from the mother country, that ' the 
freedom of the press is the great bulwark of civil and 
religious liberty,' is one of the most precious legacies 
which they have left us. We have learned, too, from 
our own, as well as the experience of other countries, 
that golden shackels, by whomsoever or by whatever 
pretense imposed, are as fatal to it as the iron bonds 
of despotism. The presses in the necessary employ- 
ment of the government should never be used ^ to 
clear the guilty or varnish crimes.' A decent and 
manly examination of the acts of the government 
should be not only tolerated but encouraged. 

" Upon another occasion I have given my opinion, 
at some length, upon the impropriety of executive in- 
terference in the legislation of Congress. That the 
article in the constitution making it the duty of the 



"WILLIAM IlLNRY ITAURISON. 



351 



rrt'sulcnt to communicate information, and author- 
izing him to recommend measures, was not intended 
to n°nke liim the source of Icgishition, and, in partic- 
iih.r, that lie shonhl never be looked to for bcheiwes 
of finance. Tt ^vould be very strange, indeed, if the 
constitution should have strictly forbidden one branch 
of the legislature from interfering in the origination 
of such bills, and that it should be considered proper 
that an altogether dilTerent department of the govern- 
ment should be permitted to do so. Some of our best 
political maxims and principles have been drawn from 
our parent Isle. There are others, however, which 
cannot be introduced in our system without singular 
incongruity and the production of much mischief; 
and this I conceive to be one. 

" No matter in which of the Houses of Parliament 
a bill may originate, nor by whom introduced, a min- 
ister or a member of the opposition, by the fiction of 
law, or rather of constitutional principle, the sover- 
eign is supposed to have prepared it agreeably to his 
will, and then submitted it to Parliament for their 
advice and consent. Now the very reverse is the case 
here, not only with regard to the principle, but the 
forms prescribed by the constitution. The principle 
certainly assigns to the only body constituted by the 
constitution (the legislative body) the power to make 
laws, • nd the forms even direct that the enactment 
should be ascribed to them. 

" The Senate, in relation to revenue bills, have the 
riMit to propose amendments ; and bo has the execu- 



852 THE LIFE OF 

tive, by the power given him to return them to the 
House of Representatives with his objections. It is 
in his power, also, to propose amendments in the exist- 
ing revenue laws, suggested by his observations upon 
their defective or injurious operation. But the deli- 
cate duty of devising schemes of revenue should be 
left where the constitution has placed it — with the 
immediate representatives of the people. For similar 
reasons, the mode of keeping the public treasure 
should be prescribed by them ; and the farther re- 
moved it may be from the control of the executive, 
the more wholesome the arrangement, and the more 
in accordance with republican principle. 

'' Connected with this subject is the character of 
the currency. The idea of making it exclusively 
metallic, however well intended, appears to me to be 
fraught with more fatal consequences than any other 
scheme, having no relation to the personal rights of 
the citizen, that has ever been devised. If any single 
scheme could produce the effect of arresting, at once, 
that mutation of condition by which thousands of our 
most indigent fellow-citizens, by their industry and 
enterprise, are raised to the possession of wealth, that 
is the one. If there is one measure better calculated 
than another to produce that state of things so much 
deprecated by all true republicans, by which the rich 
are daily adding to their hoards, and the poor sfnking 
deeper into penury, it is an exclusive metallic cur- 
rency. Or if there is a process by which the char- 
acter of the country for generosity and nobleness of 



WILLIAM HENRY IIARItlSON. 353 

feeling may be destroyed by tlie great increase and 
necessary toleration of usury, it is an exclusive me- 
tallic currency. 

'' Amongst the other duties of a delicate character 
■which the President is called upon to perform is the 
supervision of the government of the Territories of 
the United States. Those of them which are destined 
to become members of our great political family are 
compensated by their rapid progress from infancy to 
manhood, for the partial and temporary deprivation 
of their political rights. It is in this District only 
■svhere American citizens are to be found, who, under 
a settled system of policy, are deprived of many im- 
portant political privileges, without any inspiring 
hope as to the future. Their only consolation, under 
circumstances ef such deprivation, is that of the de- 
voted exterior guards of a camp — that their sufferings 
secure tranquillity and safety within. Are there any 
of their countrymen who would subject them to 
greater, to any other, humiliations than those essen- 
tially necessary to the security of the object for Avhich 
they were thus separated from their fellow-citizens ? 
Are their rights alone not to be guaranteed by the 
application of those great principles upon which all 
our constitutions are founded ? We are told by the 
greatest of British orators and statesmen, that at the 
commencement of the war of the revolution the most 
stupid men in England spoke of ' their American sub- 
jects.' Are there, indeed, citizens of any of our 
States who have dreamed of their subjects in the Dis- 
30* 



354 THE LIFE OP 

trict of Columbia ? Such dreams can never be real- 
ized bj any agency of mine. 

^' The people of the District of Columbia are not 
the subjects of the people of the States, but free 
American citizens. Being in the latter condition, 
when the constitution was formed, no words used in 
that instrument could have been intended to deprive 
them of that character. If there is anythmg in the 
great principle of inalienable rights, so emphatically 
insisted upon in our Declaration of Independence, 
they could neither make, nor the United States accept, 
a surrender of their liberties and become the subjects^ — 
in other words, the slaves, — of their former fellow- 
citizens. If this be true, and it will scarcely be de- 
nied by any one who has a correct idea of his own 
rights as an American citizen, the grgnt to Congress 
of exclusive jurisdiction in the District of Columbia 
can be interpreted, so far as respects the aggregate 
people of the United States, as meaning nothing more 
than to allow to Congress the controling power neces- 
sary to afford a free and safe exercise of the functions 
assigned to the general government by the constitu- 
tion. In all other respects the legislation of Congress 
should be adapted to their peculiar position and 
wants, and be conformable with their deliberate opin- 
ions of their own interests. 

" I have spoken of the necessity of keeping the 
respective departments of the government, as well as 
the other authorities of our country, within their ap- 
propriate orbits. This is a matter of difficulty in 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 355 

some cases, as the powers wlilcli they respectively 
claim arc often not defined by very distinct lines. 

" Miseliicvoiis, however, in their tendencies, as col- 
lisions of this kind may be, those which arise between 
the respective communities, which for certain purposes 
compose one nation, are much more so ; for no such 
* nation can long exist without the careful culture of 
those feelings of confidence and aflection which are 
the effective bonds of union between free and confed- 
erated States. Strong as is the tie of interest, it has 
been often found ineflfectual. Men, blinded by their 
passions, have been known to adopt measures for their 
country in direct opposition to all the suggestions of 
policy. The alternative, then, is to destroy or keep 
down a bad passion, by creating and fostering a good 
one; and this seems to be the corner-stone upon which 
our American political architects have reared the 
tabric of our government. The cement which was 
*o bind it and perpetuate its existence was the affec- 
donatc attachment between all its members. To 
msure the continuance of this feeling, produced at 
first by a community of dangers, of sufferings and of 
interests, the advantages of each were made accessible 

to all. 

" No participation in any good, possessed by any 
member of an extensive confederacy, except in do- 
mestic government, was withheld from the citizen of 
any other member. By a process attended with no 
difficulty, no delay, no expense but that of removal, 
the citizen of one might become the citizen of any 



856 THE LIFE OP 

other, and successively of the whole. The lines, too, 
separating powers to be exercised by the citizens of 
one State from those of another, seem to be so dis- 
tinctly drawn as to leave no room for misunderstand- 
ing. The citizens of each State unite in their persons 
all the privileges which that character confers, and 
all that they may claim as citizens of the United 
States ; but in no case can the same person, at the 
same time, act as the citizen of two separate States ; 
and lie is therefore ijositively 2^'i^^chided from any 
interference with the reserved j>owers of any State hut 
that of ivhich he is, for the time being, a citizen. He 
may indeed offer to the citizens of other States his 
advice as to their management, but the form in which 
it is tendered is left to his own discretion and sense 
of propriety. 

" It may be observed, however, that organized as- 
sociations of citizens, requiring compliance with their 
wishes, too much resemble the recommendatio7is of 
Athens to her allies — supported by an armed and 
powerful fleet. It was, indeed, to the ambition of the 
leading States of Greece to control the domestic con- 
cerns of others that the destruction of that celebrated 
confederacy, and subsequently of all its members, is 
mainly to be attributed. And it is owing to the ab- 
sence of that spirit that the Helvetic confederacy has 
for so many years been preserved. Never has there 
been seen in the institutions of the separate members 
of the confederacy more elements of discord. In the 
principles and forms of government and religion, as 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 857 

well as in the circumstances of the several countries, 
so marked a discrepancy was observable, as to promise 
anything but liarmony in their intercourse or perma- 
nency in their alliance ; and yet for ages ncitlier has 
been interrupted. Content with the positive benefits 
which their union produced, with the dependence and 
safety from foreign aggression which it secured, these 
sagacious people respected the institutions of each 
other, however repugnant to their own principles and 
prejudices. 

" Our confederacy, fellow-citizens, can only be 
preserved by the same forbearance. Our citizens 
must be content with the exercise of the powers -with 
which the constitution clothes them. The attempt of 
those of one State to control the domestic institutions 
of another can only result in feelings of distrust and 
jealousy — the certain harbingers of disunion, vio- 
lence, civil war, and the ultimate destruction of our 
free institutions. Our confederacy is perfectly illus- 
trated by the terms and principles governing a com- 
mon co-partnership. There a fund of power is to be 
exercised under the direction of the joint councils of 
the allied members ; but that which has been reserved 
by the individual members is intangible by the com- 
mon government or the individual members composing 
it. To attempt it finds no support in the principles 
of our constitution. It should be our constant and 
earnest endeavor mutually to cultivate a spirit of eon- 
cord and harmony among the various parts of our 
confederacy. Experience has abundantly taught us 



858 THE LIFE OF 

that the agitation by citizens of one part of the 
Union of a subject not confided to the general 
government, but exclusively under the guardianship 
of the local authorities, is productive of no other 
consequences than bitterness, alienation, discord, and 
injury to the very cause which is intended to be 
advanced. Of all the great interests which apper- 
tain to our country, that of union, cordial, confiding, 
fraternal union, is by far the most important, — 
since it is the only true and sure guaranty of all 
others. 

" In consequence of the em,barrassed state of bu- 
siness and the currency, some of the States may meet 
with difficulty in their financial concerns. However 
deeply we may regret anything imprudent or excess- 
ive in the engagements into which States have entered 
for purposes of their own, it does not become us to 
disparage the State governments, nor to discourage 
them from making proper efforts for their own relief; 
on the contrary, it is our duty to encourage them, to 
the extent of our constitutional authority, to apply 
their best means, and cheerfully to make all necessary 
sacrifices, and submit to all necessary burdens, to 
fulfill their engagements and maintain their credit ; 
for the character and credit of the several States form 
part of the character and credit of the whole country. 
The resources of the country are abundant, the 
enterprise and activity of our people proverbial ; 
and we may well hope that wise legislation and pru- 
dent administration, by the respective governments, 



WILLIAM nEN'RY HARRISON. 359 

each acting "Nvitliin his own sphere, "will restore former 
prosperity. " • 

" Unpleasant, and even dangerous, as collisions 
mnv sometimes be bet^veen the constituted authorities 
or the citizens of our country, in relation to the lines 
Avhich separate their respective jurisdictions, the re- 
sults can be of no vital injurv to our institutions, if 
that ardent patriotism, that devoted attachment to 
liberty, that spirit of moderation and forbearance for 
■which our countrymen were once distinguished, con- 
tinue to be cherished. If this continues to be the 
ruling passion of our souls, the weaker feelings of the 
mistaken enthusiast will be corrected, the Utopian 
dreams of the scheming politician dissipated, and the 
complicated intrigues of the demagogue rendered 
harmless. The secret of liberty is the sovereign balm 
for every injury which our institutions may receive. 
On the contrary, no care that can be used in the con- 
struction of our government, no division of powers, 
no distribution of checks in its several departments, 
will prove effectual to keep us a free people if this 
feelins: is suffered to decay ; and decay it will without 
constant nurture. To the neglect of this duty, the 
best historians agree in attributing the ruin of all the 
republics with whose existence and fall their writings 
have made us acquainted. The same causes will ever 
produce the same effects ; and as long as the love of 
power is a dominant passion of the human bosom, 
and as long as the understanding of men can be 
warped and their affections changed, by operations 



860 THE LIFE OP 

on their passions and prejudices, so long will the lib- 
'erty of a people depend upon their own constant at- 
tention to its preservation. The danger to all well- 
established free governments arises from the unwil- 
lingness of the people to believe in its existence, or 
from the influence of designing men diverting their 
attention from the quarter whence it approaches to a 
source from which it can never come. This is the old 
trick of those who would usurp the government of 
their country. In the name of democracy they speak, 
warning the people against the influence of wealth 
and the danger of aristocracy. History, ancient and 
modern, is full of such examples. Caesar became the 
master of the Roman people and the Senate, under 
the pretense of supporting the democratic claims of 
the former against the aristocracy of the latter ; 
Cromwell, in the character of protector of the liber- 
ties of the people, became the dictator of England ; 
and Bolivar possessed himself of unlimited power 
with the title of his country's liberator. There is, 
on the contrary, no single instance on record, of an 
extensive and well-established republic being changed 
into an aristocracy. The tendency of all such gov- 
ernments in their decline is to monarchy ; and in the 
antagonist principle to liberty there is the spirit of 
faction — a spirit which assumes the character, and, in 
times of great excitement, imposes itself upon the 
people as the genuine spirit of freedom, and like the 
false Christs, whose coming was foretold by the Sa- 
vior, seeks to, and were it possible would, impose upon 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 861 

the true and most faithful disciples of liberty. It is 
in periods like this that it behooves the people to be 
most -watchful of those to whom they have intrusted 
power. And although there is at times much difficulty 
in distinguisliing tlie false from the true spirit, a calm 
and dispassionate investigation will detect the coun- 
terfeit as well by the character of its operations as 
the results which are produced. The true spirit of 
liberty, although devoted, persevering, bold, and un- 
compromising* in principle, that secured, is mild and 
tolerant and scrupulous as to the means it employs ; 
whilst the spirit of party, assuming to be that of lib- 
erty, is harsh, vindictive and intolerant, and totally 
reckless as to the character of the allies which it 
brings to the aid of its cause. When the genuine 
spirit of liberty animates the body of a people to a 
thorough examination of their affairs, it leads to the 
excision of every excrescence which may have fast- 
ened itself upon any of the departments of the gov- 
ernment, and restores the system to its pristine health 
and beauty. But the reign of an intolerant spirit of 
party amongst a free people seldom fails to result in a 
dangerous accession to the executive power introduced 
and established amidst unusual professions of devotion 
to democracy. 

" The foregoing remarks relate almost exclusively 
to matters connected with our domestic concern?. It 
may be proper, however, that I should give some indi- 
cations to my fellow-citizens of my proposed course 
of conduct in the management of our foreign relations, 
31 



362 THE LIFE OF 

I assure tliem, therefore, that it is my intention to use 
every means in my power to preserve the friendly 
intercourse which now so happily subsists with every 
foreign nation ; and that although, of course, not 
well informed as to the state of any pending negotia- 
tions with any of them, I see in the personal charac- 
ters of the sovereigns, as well as in the mutual interest 
of our own and of the government with which our 
relations are most intimate, a pleasing guaranty that 
the harmony so important to the interests of their 
subjects, as well as our citizens, will not be interrupted 
by the advancement of any claim or pretension upon 
their part to which our honor would not permit 
us to yield. Long the defender of my country's 
rights in the field, I trust that my fellow-citizens 
will not see, in my earnest desire to preserve peace 
with foreign powers, any indication that their rights 
will ever be sacrificed, or the honor of the na- 
tion tarnished, by any admission on the part of 
their chief magistrate, unworthy of their former 
glory. 

" In our intercourse with our Aboriginal neighbors, 
the same liberality and justice which marked the 
course prescribed to me by two of my illustrious pred- 
ecessors, when acting under their direction in the dis- 
charge of the duty of superintendent and commis- 
sioner, shall be strictly observed. I can conceive of 
no more sublime spectacle — none more likely to pro- 
pitiate an impartial and common Creator — than a rigid 
adherence to the principles of justice on the part of a 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 363 

powerful nation in its transactions Avitli a -weaker :\n<\ 
uncivilized people, whom circumstances have placed 
at its disposal. 

" Before concluding, fellow-citizens, I must say 
something to you on the subject of the parties at this 
time existing in orr country. To m« it appears per- 
fectly clear that the interest of that country requires 
that the violence of the spirit, by which those parties 
are at this time governed, must be greatly mitigated, 
if not entirely extinguished, or consequences will en- 
sue which arc appalling to be thought of. If parties 
in a republic are necessary to secure a degree of vig- 
ilance sufficient to keep the republic functionaries 
within the bounds of law and duty, at that point their 
usefulness ends. Beyond that they become destruc- 
tive of public virtue, — the parents of a spirit antago- 
nist to that of liberty, and eventually its inevitable 
conqueror. "We have examples of republics where 
the love of country and of liberty, at one time, were 
the dominant passions of the whole mass of citizens ; 
and yet, with the contour of the name and forms of 
free government, not a vestige of these qualities re- 
maining in the bosom of any one of its citizens. It 
was the beautiful remark of a distinguished English 
writer, that *in the Roman Senate, Octavius had a 
party, and Anthony a party, but the Commonwealth 
had none. ' Yet the Senate continued to meet in 
the Temple of liberty, to talk of the sacredness and 
beauty of the Commonwealth, and gaze at the statues 
of the elder Brutus and of the Curtii and Dccii. 



no 
ou 



1 THE LIFE OF 



And the people assembled in the forum, not as in the 
days of Camillus and the Scipios, to cast their free 
votes for annual magistrates, or pass upon the acts of 
the Senate, but to receive from the hands of the leaders 
of the respective parties their share of the spoils, and 
to shout for oiT^ or the other, as those collected in 
Gaul, or Egypt, and the Lesser Asia, would furnish 
the larger dividend. The spirit of liberty had fled, 
and, avoiding the abodes of civilized man, had sought 
protection in the wilds of Scythia or Scandinavia ; 
and so, under the operation of the same causes and 
influences, it will fly from our capitol and our forums. 
A calamity so awful, not only to our country, but to 
the world, must be deprecated by every patriot ; and 
every tendency to a state of things likely to produce 
it, immediately checked. Such a tendency has ex- 
isted — does exist. Always the friend of my country- 
men, never their flatterer, it becomes my duty to say 
to thfem from this high place, to which their partiality 
has exalted me, that there exists in the land a spirit 
hostile to their best interests — hostile to liberty itself. 
It is a spirit contracted in its views, selfish in its ob- 
ject. It looks to the aggrandizement of a few, even 
to the destruction of the interests of the whole. The 
entire remedy is with the people. Something, how- 
ever, may be eff"ected by the means which they have 
placed in my hands. It is union that we want, not 
of a party for the sake of that party, but a union of 
the whole country for the sake of the whole country — 
for the defense of its interests and its honor against 



» WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 365 

forciixn aggression — for the defense of those principles 
for which our ancestors so gloriously contended. As 
far as it depends upon me, it shall be accomplished. 
All the iniluence that I possess shall be exerted to 
prevent the formation at least of an executive party 
in the halls of the legislative body. I wish for the 
support of no member of that body to any measure 
of mine that does not satisfy his judgment, and his 
sense of duty to those from whom he holds his ap- 
pointment ; nor any confidence in advance from the 
people, but that asked for by Mr. Jefferson, to give 
firmness and effect to the legal administration of their 
affairs. 

" I deem the present occasion sufl5ciently import- 
ant and solemn to justify me in presenting to my fel- 
low-citizens a profound reverence for the christian 
religion, and a thorough conviction that sound morals, 
religious liberty, and a just sense of religious respon- 
sibility, are essentially connected with all true and 
lasting happiness ; and to that good Being who has 
blessed us by the gifts of civil and religious freedom, 
"who watched over and prospered the labors of our 
fathers, and has hitherto preserved to us institutions 
far exceeding in excellence those of any other people, 
let us unite in commending every interest of our be- 
loved country in all future time. 

" Fellow-citizens ! being fully invested with that 

high ofiice to which the partiality of my countrymen 

has called me, I now take an affectionate leave of you. 

You will bear with you to your homes the remem- 

31* 



366/ THE LIFE OF 

brance of the pledge I have this day given to dis- 
charge all the high duties of my exalted station, 
according to the best of my ability, and I shall enter 
upon their performance with entire confidence in the 
support of a just and generous people. 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. ^867 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

Having now gone througli all the requirements 
of the constitution necessary to qualify him for the 
discharge of the duties of President of the United 
States, General Harrison promptly set himself about 
the great work of correcting whatever abuses may 
have crept into the administration of the government, 
and of performing the pledges he had made before 
his election and in his inaugural address. These 
pledges had been made from an honest conviction that 
they were not only just, but demanded by the general 
good. Having therefore been made in good faith, he 
was determined to carry them out in the same, so far 
as it was in his power to do so. Investigations were 
. instituted into the various branches of the public ser- 
vice with a view to those reforms which the country 
had so long demanded and he had promised to intro- 
duce, and many corrupt or injurious practices marked 
out for correction. And if he had been spared to the 
country to serve out the term for which the people 
elected him, there is no doubt that he would have 
redeemed all his pledges to the country. 

Considering it a great abuse of power to bring 



368 THE LIFE OF 

the patronage of the government into conflict with the 
freedom of elections, as has been seen both by his 
letters before his election and his inaugural address, 
and that such abuse ought to be corrected wherever 
it might exist, circulars were addressed to all the 
heads of the departments on the 20th of March, de- 
signed to effect this object. Thej were directed to 
furnish information to all officers and agents in their 
several departments, that partisan interference in pop- 
ular elections, whether of State officers or officers of 
the general government, and that for whomsoever or 
against whomsoever it might be exercised, or the pav- 
ment of any contribution or assessment on salaries, 
or official compensation for party or election purposes, 
would be regarded bj him as catise of removal. 

It was not intended that any officer should be 
restrained in the free and proper expression and 
maintenance of his opinions respecting public men, 
or public measures, or in the exercise, to the fullest 
degree, of the constitutional right of suffrage : but 
persons employed under the government, and paid for 
their services out of the public treasury, were not ex- 
pected to take an active or officious part in attempts 
to influence the minds or votes of others, such con- 
duct being deemed inconsistent with the spirit of the 
constitution and the duties of public agents acting 
under it. He expressed his determination, that while 
the exercise of the elective franchise by the people 
shall be free from undue influence of official stations 
and authority, so far as depended upon him, opinion 



WILLIAM HEXBT UAmMISOTS. 

tho^li 3:s:- }■:- free mmoiig the officers and agents 
of the g- ' rrr >:t I: - A it farther aimamioed 
and understiiKxL that from all coDecting and dislHm- 
ino" officers promp: in rendering accoonts. and 

entire pnnctualrty in nayinff halanees, would be rigor- 
onsly exacted. 

With a view of arresting what was feared to be m 
needless and extraragani expenditnre of money upon 
ihe public works in the city of Washington, he ap- 
pointed a board of commisioners or examination to 
investigate the subject rigidly. They were required to 
repK>rt upon the number of persons employed upon 
those works, exclusiTe of laborers, what was their re- 
spectiTe duty, what compensation was paid thenu and 
whether there was any just ground of complaint 
atfainst anT of t^ie^e in regard to their diligence or 
ddlL or in regard to their treatment of laborers. 
They were esf^e ' instructed to inquire into no 
man's politicid opinions, but to report if any one hav- 
ing the power of appointing and remoTing had abnsed 
that power, or in any tray violated his duiy for party 
or election purposes. 

These evidences of the honesiv and sincerirr of 
his professions were received with lively demonstra- 
tions of satisfaction by the public at large, however 
little encouraging thev mav have been lo the hopes 
and aspirations of the mere politician. ~ 7 - ^e 
a;^urance thit^ uiider hi? administration, that sy5:-:m 
of presc . excluded every man tr-izi 

office. _; ". -- -Icserving, competent or ceedy. whose 



370 THE LIFE OF 

political principles did not accord with the ruling ex- 
ecutive, was to be repudiated, and all the benefits of 
the government to be shared by the people equally. 
This he believed to be the theory of our government, 
and so far as was consistent with the obligations he 
admitted himself to be under to the party which had 
placed him in power, he determined it should be its 
practice. 

As the case always had been, and as it is always 
desirable it should be, under our democratic form of 
government, upon so important an occasion as the 
change of rulers, he was overwhelmed with visits of 
all classes, actuated either by motives of pure friend- 
ship or personal interest ; and no one was ever denied 
an interview. Unlike the members of his cabinet, 
and indeed the members of most American cabinets, 
he could at all times be approached, and when ap- 
proached, he assumed none of the airs Avhich men, oc- 
cupying minor positions, too frequently think it nec- 
essary to put on for the purpose of inspiring that 
reverence and respect which their characters would 
never command. He understood that real greatness 
could not be affected by a familiar and free intercourse 
with the people, and that it would never fail to re- 
strain the impertinent and ill-bred. An assumption 
of superiority, and that supercilious bearing so com- 
mon to naturally vulgar minds, however high in office, 
found no countenance in his practice, nor no sympathy 
in his disposition. This practice of General Harrison, 
of receiving visits from all who sought access to him, 



■SVTLLIAM HENRY ITARRIPON. 371 

and tlie miilti])licity of public duties necessarily attend- 
ant on his first entrance into office, produced not only 
great fatigue of body, but anxiety of mind. In ad- 
dition to this, he was overtaken by a violent sliower 
in one of his usual morning \vali<s, and his clothes 
became thoroughly Avet. This was follo\ved by a sliglit 
cold ; but he paid little attention to it, although on 
the 25th of March he was really ill, and continued to 
receive visits from all, as when in health, refusing to 
postpone any of his official duties. Even when thus 
indisposed, and pressed with cares too great for a man 
in sound health to endure, he neglected no demand 
upon his friendship and benevolence. Accidentally 
meeting an old acquaintance in distress, he took him 
to the President's house, gave him a breakfast, and 
after conversing with him a while upon events long 
since passed, he wrote to the collector of New York 
the following {his last) letter, dated March 26, 18-il, 
for the purpose, as will be seen, of aiding him in his 
adversity : 

" The bearer hereof, Mr. Thomas Tucker, a vet- 
eran seaman, came with me from Carthagenia, as the 
mate of the brig Montidia, in the year 1829. In an 
association of several weeks, I formed a high opinion 
of his character ; so much so, that (expressing a de- 
sire to leave the sea) I invited him to come to North 
Bend, and spend the remainder of his days with me. 
" Subsequent misfortunes prevented his doing so, 
as he was desirous to bring some money with him to 
commence farming operations. His bad fortune still 



372 THE LIFE OP 

continues, having been several times shipwrecked 
Tvithin a few years. He says that himself and fam- 
ily are now in such a situation that the humblest em- 
ployment would be acceptable to him. I write this to 
recommend him to your favorable notice. I am per- 
suaded that no one possesses, in a higher degree, the vir- 
tues of fidelity, honesty and indefatigable industry, and 
I might add, indomitable bravery, if that was a quality 
necessary for the kind of employment he seeks." 

On the 27th of March he was seized with a chill, 
and other symptoms of fever. The next day, pneu- 
monia, with congestion of the liver, and derangement 
of the stomach and bowels, was ascertained to exist. 
In spite of all the efibrts and skill of his physicians 
to arrest the disease, it continued to increase in vio- 
lence until the 3rd of April, at three o'clock in the 
afternoon. A profuse diarrhea then came on, un- 
der which he rapidly sank ; and at thirty minutes past 
twelve o'clock, on the morning of April 4th, 1841, 
he breathed his last. His last words were, as heard 
by Dr. Worthington, one of his consulting physicians : 
Sir, I wish you to understand the true principles of 
the government. I wish them carried out. I ask 
nothing more." Thus died General William Henry 
Harrison, the ninth President of the United States, 
at the age of sixty-eight years and twenty-six days, 
after having filled the ofiice of President but one 
single short month. 

This great national calamity fell upon the public 
mind with startling suddenness. Almost before the 



WILLIAM HENRY IIARni^-ON*. TTS ) 

Bound of the cannon wliicli announced to the people 
that he liad been invested with the ofHce of l^res- 
ident had died aAvay, and before the news had spread 
scarcely beyond the District of Columbia, the sad 
intelli<]rence was received that he had ceased to exist. 
The affecting event, feared, perhaps, by those who 
best knew General Harrison's enfeebled constitution, 
was at once officially made public in the following 
document, signed by the Secretary of State, and all 
the other heads of departments : 

''An All-wise Providence having suddenly re- 
moved from this life William IIexry Haruison, late 
President of the United States, we have thought it 
our duty, in the recess of Congress, and in the ab- 
sence of the Vice-President from the seat of govern- 
ment, to make this afflicting bereavement known to 
the country, .by this declaration under our hands. 
He died at the President's House, in this city, this 
4th day of April, Anno Domini 1841, at thirty min- 
utes before one o'clock in the morning. 

" The people of the United States, overwhelmed 
like ourselves, by an event so unexpected and so mel- 
ancholy, will derive consolation from knowing that 
his death was calm and resigned as his life had been 
patriotic, useful and distinguished ; and that the last 
utterance from his lips expressed a fervent desire for 
the perpetuity of the constitution and the preservation 
of its true principles. In death, as in life, the hap- 
piness of his country was uppermost in his thoughts." y 

Wednesday, April Tth, was selected for pcrform- 
82 



874 THE LIFE OF 

ing the funeral solemnities of the late President. The 
ceremony was as solemn as it was imposing. Every 
countenance was impressed with the most profound 
melancholy. The mihtary portion of the procession was 
volunteer companies from Washington city, George- 
town, Baltimore, Philadelphia and various other cities, 
together with several companies of marines and United 
States artillerists, all accompanied by the mounted 
and dismounted officers of the army, navy, militia 
and volunteers. The civic part of it consisted of the 
municipal officers of the District of Columbia, the 
clergy, the judiciary and executive officers of the 
government, including the President of the United 
States and all the heads of bureaus. The procession 
occupied two miles in length. The religious ceremo- 
nies at the grave were performed by the Reverend 
Mr. Healey, of the Episcopal church.* 

As the news of General Harrison's death spread 
throughout the Union, the profound respect which was 
entertained for his character, and -the gratitude they 
felt for his important public services, begun to be ex- 
hibited in their full force. Every demonstration in 
the power of the people to show was bestowed upon 
his memory. All party animosity was at once for- 
gotten, and the whole people united in the perform- 
ance of ceremonies appropriate to the occasion. In 
almost every city and town in the Union funeral ser- 
mons were delivered, processions got up and addresses 
delivered ; and the most profound grief was every- 

*See Appendix (D). 



( 



WILLIAM IIEMIY HARRISON. 875 

■vvlierc, and bj all parties and sects, evinced. The 
nation for a time "vvas almost literally clothed in 
ruourning, and there Avas a general rivalry amongst 
those so lately his warm political opponents who should 
best show how little their political difierences blinded 
them to his real merits and many noble virtues. 

On the 31st of May following, Congress assem- 
bled in extra session, in pursuance of a proclamation 
issued by General Harrison ; and on the 4th of June, 
passed the following resolutions in relation to the 
national loss : 

" The melancholy event of the death of "William 
Henry Harrison, late President of the United States, 
having occurred during the recess of Congress, and 
the two houses sharing in the general grief, and de- 
siring to manifest their sensibilities upon the occasion 
of that public bereavement, therefore : 

" Resolved, hy the Senate and House of Repre- 
sentatives of the United States of America in Con- 
gress assembled, That the chairs of the President of 
the Senate and Speaker of the House of Representa- 
tives be shrouded in black during the residue of the 
session ; and that the President pro tempore of the 
Senate, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, 
and the members and oflScers of both Houses, Tvear the 
usual badge of mourning for thirty days. 

" Resolved, That the President of the United 
States be requested to transmit a copy of these reso- 
lutions to Mrs. Harrison, and to assure her of the 
profound respect of the two Houses of Congress for 



376 THE LIFE OF 

her person and character, and of their sincere condo- 
lence with the late dispensation of Providence." 

But Congress went still further than this. On the 
9th of June, John Quincj Adams reported a bill in 
the House of Representatives in favor of a grant of 
money to the widow of General Harrison. This had 
been suggested to Congress by Mr. Tyler, in his mes- 
sage at the opening of the session. He said, " that 
the preparations necessary for his removal to the seat 
of government, in view of a residence of four years, 
must have devolved upon the late Presidenj; heavy 
expenditures, which, if permitted to burthen the lim- 
ited resources of his private fortune, might tend to the 
serious embarrassment of his surviving family ; and 
it was therefore respectfully submitted to Congress, 
whether the ordinary principles of justice would not 
dictate the propriety of legislative interposition." 

The measure was also urged upon Congress from 
various quarters as an act of simple justice to the 
family of Harrison. He had occupied positions in 
which he might have amassed an immense fortune, if 
he had chosen to avail himself of the advantages 
placed in his hands. It could have been done without 
any real injustice to government, and with but a very 
slight departure from the principles of rectitude. He 
chose not to enrich himself by any doubtful means. 
Poverty in his estimation was far preferable to riches 
thus acquired. These and other considerations, oper- 
ating with the sympathy felt for the affliction of the 
^v'idow of Harrison, an appropriation of $25,000 was 



\nLLIAM HENRY nARRTSON. "77 

finally made to Mrs. Harrison. The bill passed the 
House, on the 18th of June, by a vote of 122 to G(J, 
and the Senate by a vote of 28 to 16. 

General Harrison's personal appearance was com- 
manding, and his manners prepossessing. He was 
about six feet hii^h, of rather slender form, straight, 
and of a firm, elastic gait, even at the time of his 
election to the presidency, though then closely bord- 
ering on seventy. He had a keen, penetrating eye, 
denoting quickness of apprehension, promptness and 
energy. His forehead was high, broad and prom- 
inent, his lips rather thin and compressed, and his 
whole features strongly marked. His countenance 
vas expressive of the genuine kindness and philan- 
thropy which his whole life had practically exempli- 
fied. There was that in his personal appearance 
which indicated him as a man of not an ordinary 
character. The inherent honesty and integrity of 
his nature showed forth in his countenance. 

The qualities which General Harrison displayed 
as a military chieftain are now universally admitted 
to be of the very highest order. Indeed few were 
ever found, even during the violent political contest 
which resulted in his elevation to the presidency, hardy 
enough, and so reckless of his own reputation, as to 
deny him the merit of a great general. As com- 
mander-in-chief of the north-western army, he was 
Intrusted with almost unlimited discretionary powers, 
requiring the exercise of military skill, science and 
ability, such as few commanders of American armies 
.32* 



878 THE LIFE or 

have ever exliibited. The history of the last war with 
England, and especially the misfortunes that befell 
so many of our generals at the North and North-west, 
as well as at the South, proves this to be true. While 
most of the generals in command of our armies in that 
war, no matter how eminent and how successful gen- 
erally they may have been, sometimes meet with 
reverses, General Harrison never lost a battle, and 
never committed an error in his military movements. 
This was the peculiar glory of General Harrison as a 
commander. This uniform success was the result of 
^' an almost intuitive sagacity, great power of combina- 
tion, with prudence, caution, promptness and energy, 
combined with perfect self-reliance and self-control." 
These qualities are necessary to form the great, or 
what is equivalent, the successful general. 

It has been claimed that in many points the mili- 
tary career of Harrison bears a striking analogy to 
that of Washington, — that the same extent of discre- 
tionary powers and responsibilities were assigned to 
both, that both had the same difficulty in procuring 
supplies of troops and provisions, and, above all, that 
they never hazarded the grand result of a campaign, 
by any minor enterprise, however tempting. Both 
exercised the extensive powers with which they were 
invested without any invasion of the laws, or the 
rights of citizens, and both retired to the peaceful 
pursuits of agriculture when the objects which had* 
called them to the field had been effected. This is 
high praise to General Harrison, as the parallel has, 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 379 

at least, some ground to rest upon, thou<,'h nothing 
must be admitted to stand almost without parallel. 

The prominent feature of General Harrison's 
character was the most inflexible and rigid integrity, 
his devoted patriotism, his keen sense of honor, and 
his great love of justice. These noble virtues marked 
his whole life from youth to old age, in the field as 
-well as in the council. No consideration of personal 
advantage, of -whatever character, could induce him 
to swerve a hair's breadth from them. During twenty 
years of public employment he had numerous oppor- 
tunities of enriching himself; but he sternly rejected 
them all, and retired from the service of his coun- 
try poorer than he entered it. Of the three million 
dollars that passed through his hands as a government 
agent, not a single dollar ever adhered to them. So 
nice were his feelings upon these points that he even 
refused to make purchases of land, lest it might by 
possibility be charged that he had transcended his offi- 
cial authority. Equally sensitive were his feelings of 
honor, with the single exception of private secretary, 
he invariably refused to appoint any of his relatives 
to office. 

General Harrison's mind was of a good order. 
He possessed excellent natural powers of mind, and 
thev were thorouf^hlv disciplined and well-directed. 
Few men possessed a sounder or better judgment, or 
had more sagacity and penetration. His scholarly 
attainments were far above mediocrity. In general 
history he was thoroughly versed, and h^s notes upon 



380 THE LIFE 01' 

that important branch of education possess many val- 
uable suggestions. With the public characters and 
leading events of both ancient and modern times he 
was intimately familiar. As a writer he ranks among 
the first public men of the country ; and many of his 
compositions exhibit felicity of expression, strength 
of thought, and sound, practical common sense. As 
a speaker he was easy, graceful and fluent, often rising 
to real eloquence. He might have excelled as an ora- 
tor had he failed as a soldier, and the renown he won 
in the field might have been eclipsed by that he pos- 
sessed in the Senate, had his profession led him in 
that direction. 

No man possessed a kinder or more benevolent 
heart. His feelings were ever alive to the sufi'erings 
or misfortunes of those about him, and his hand was 
ever open to relieve the necessities of the needy. 
His personal address and manners were well suited to 
win the favor of the people, as he was open, frank, 
and courteous in his intercourse with all. There was 
nothing of the aristocrat in his character ; on the con- 
trary, he was purely democratic in his tastes as well 
as in his inclinations. While President of the nation 
he was as easy of approach, and as free in his inter- 
course with the people, as when only the plain farmer 
of North Bend. Courtesy and a graceful condescen- 
sion, united with ease and dignity of manners, re- 
lieved every one of embarrassment while in his pres- 
ence. 

His moral character was above reproach ; though 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 8RI 

perhaps not a professing christian, he entertained the 
highest and most profound regard for the christian re- 
lijrion. This he did not fear to declare as well in his in- 
augural address as upon all suitable occasions during 
the brief period he occupied the presidential chair. 
Such, imperfectly drawn, is the character, — and such, 
imperfectly recorded, are the great deeds and import- 
ant i)ublic services, — of William Henry Harrison.* 
Tliere is much that cannot fail to be admired in the 
one, imperfectly as it has been sketched, and much to 
excite the gratitude of the people in the other, imper- 
fectly as they have been recorded. General Harrison 
had his imperfections, like all other men, but that his 
virtues greatly outweighed them must be the verdict 
of impartial history. His errors, whatever they 
were, were never permitted to affect the public wel- 
fare, while his virtues and public services have con- 
tributed something, at least, to the happiness of the 
people, and much to the honor of the nation. 

A sinde circumstance will illustrate his high sense 
of justice and his true nobleness of soul far better 
than any studied panegyric could do : A few years 
a^^o it was ascertained that a lar^e tract of land near 
Cincinnati, which had been sold some time before for 
a mere trifle, under an execution against the original 
proprietors, could not be held by the title derived 
from the purchasers on account of some irregularity 
in the proceedings. The legal title was in General 
Harrison and another gentleman, who were the heirs 
at law. This tract of land was exceedingly valuable, 



382 THE LIFE OP 

and would have constituted a princely estate for 
both these heirs, had they chosen to insist on their 
legal rights ; or they might have compromised with 
the purchaser. But General Harrison refused to do 
either the one or the other. He had never yet suf- 
fered his own interests to blind him to other's rights, 
and on being informed of the situation of the property, 
he and his co-heir immediately granted deeds in fee 
simple to the purchaser, without claiming any consid- 
eration except the trifling difference between the ac- 
tual value of the land when sold and the amount paid 
at the sheriff's sale. There were in this tract, too, 
twelve acres of General Harrison's private property 
improperly included in the sale, which he might have 
retained both legally and equitably. But such was 
his nice sense of honor and scrupulous regard for the 
rights of others, that he suffered even his own rights 
to be invaded rather than to vindicate them at the ex- 
pense of others. Such instances of magnanimity and 
chivalrous sense of honesty are bright spots in the 
history of humanity, the more conspicuous, perhaps, 
from being so seldom seen, but equally the objects of 
our admiration, hoAVgver often and whenever seen. ' 



L-^J 



AT TEND IX. 



STATISTICS OF THE SIX CENSUS. 

The following facts, compiled from the returns in the 
census office, will show the extent, population, resources, 
manu factors, and, above all, the growth of our country 
since General Harrison entered upon public life. They 
will also be of great and permanent interest as a matter of 
reference. 

The seventh enumeration of the inhabitants of the 
the United States exhibits results which every citizen of 
country may contemplate with gratification and pride. 
Since the census of 1840 there have been added to the 
territory of the Republic, by annexation, conquest, and 
purchase, 635,988 square miles ; and our title to regions 
covering 3-41,463 square miles, which before properly be- 
longed to us, but was claimed, and partially occupied, by a 
foreign power, has been established by negotiation, and it 
has been brought within our acknowledfred boundaries. 
By such means the area of the United States has been 
extended, during the past ten years, from 2,055,163 to 
3, 2*21, .595 square miles, without including the great lakes 
which lie upon our northern border, or the bays which 
inilentatc our Atlantic and Pacific shores, all which has 
come within the scope of the seventh census. 



384 APPENDIX. [A] 

In the endeavor to ascertain the progress of our popula- 
tion since 1840, it will be proper to deduct from the aggre- 
gate number of inhabitants shown by the present census 
the population of Texas in 1840, and the number embraced 
within the limits of California and the new territories at 
the time of their acquisition. From the best information 
which has come to hand it is believed that Texas contained, 
in 1840, 75,000 inhabitants; and that when California, 
New Mexico, and Oregon came into our possession, in 
1846, they had a population of 97,000. It thus appears 
that we have received, by additions of Territory since 1840, 
an accession of 172,000 to the number of our people. 

The increase which has taken place in those extended 
regions since they came under the authority of our govern- 
ment should obviously be received as a part of the develop- 
ment and progress of our population ; nor is it necessary to 
complicate the comparison by taking into account the pro- 
bable natural increase of this acquired population, because 
we have not the means of determining the rate of its ad- 
vancement, nor the law which governed its progress while 
yet beyond the influence of our political system. The year 
1840, rather than the date of our enumeration of Texas, 
has been taken for estimating her population in connection 
with that of the Union, because it may be safely assumed 
that, whatever the increase dui'ing the j&ve intervening years 
may have been, it was mainly, if not altogether, derived 
from the United States. 

Owing to delays and difficulties mentioned in completing 
the work, which no action on the part of this office could 
obviate, some of the returns from California have not yet 
been received. 



[a] appendix. 385 

Assuming the population of California to be 165,000 
(which we do partly by estimate), and omitting that of 
Utah, estimated at 15,000, the total number of inhabitants 
in the United States was, on the 1st of June, 1850, 23,- 
240,r>01. 

The absolute increase from the 1st of June, 1840, has 
been 0,170,848; and the actual increase per cent, is oG.18. 
But it has been shown that the probable amount of popu- 
lation acquired by additions of territory phould be deducted 
in making a comparison between the results of the present 
and the last census. These deductions reduce the total 
population of the country, as a basis of comparison, to 
23,074,301, and the increase to 6,004,848. The relative 
increase, after this allowance, is found to be 35.17 per 
cent. The aggregate number of whites in 1850 was 19,- 
619,366, exhibiting a gain upon the number of the same 
class in 1840 of 5,423,371, and a relative increase of 38.20 
per cent. But excluding the 153,000 free population sup- 
posed to be acquired by the addition of territory since 
1840, the gain is 5.270,371, and the increased per cent. 
87.14. The number of slaves, by the present census, is 
8,198,298, which shows an increase of 711,085, equal to 
28.58 per cent. If we deduct 19,000 for the probable 
slave population in Texas in 1840, the result of the com- 
parison will be slightly different. The absolute increase 
will be 692,085, and the rate per cent. 27.83. 

The number of free colored in 1850 was 428,637, in 
1840, 386,245. The increase of this class has been 42,- 
892, or 10.95 per cent. . 

From 1830 to 1840 the increase of the whole population 
was at the rate of 32.67 per cent. At the same rate of 



386 APPENDIX. [a] 

advancement the absolute gain for the ten years last past 
would have been 5,578,333, or 426,515 less than it has 
been, without including the increase consequent upon addi- 
tions of territory. 

The aggregate increase of population from all sources 
shows a relative advance greater than that of any other 
decimal term, except that from the second to the third 
census, during which time the country received an accession 
of inhabitants, by the purchase of Louisiana, considerably 
greater than one per cent, of the whole number. Rejecting 
from the census of 1810 1.45 per cent, for the population 
of Louisiana, and from the census of 1850 one per cent, 
for that of Texas, California, &c., the result is in favor of 
the last ten years by about one-fourteenth of one per cent. ; 
the gain from 1800 to 1810 being 35.05 per cent., and 
from 1840 to 1850 35.12 per cent. But without going 
behind the sum of the returns, it appears that the increase 
from the second to the third census was thirty-two-hun- 
dredths of one per cent, greater than from the sixth to the 
seventh. 

The relative progress of the several races and classes of 
the population is shown in the following tabular statement : 

Increase per cent, for each class of Inhabitants in the United States 

for sixty years. 

1790 1800 1810 1820 1830 1840 

to to to to to to 

1800. 1810. 1820. 1830. 1840. 1850. 

Whites 35.68 36.18 34.30 34.52 34.72 38.20 

Fr&e colored 82.28 72.00 27.75 34.85 20.88 10.95 

Slaves 27.96 33.40 29.57 30.75 23.81 28.58 

Total colored 32.23 37.58 29.33 31.31 23.40 26.16 

Total population 35.02 36.50 33.35 33.92 32.67 36.18 



[a] appendix. 387 

The census had been taken prc\'iously to 1830 nn the 
1st day of August; the enumeration began on that year on 
the 1st of June, two months earlier, so that tlie interval 
between the fourth and iiftli census was two months le«3 
than ten years; which time allowed for would bring the 
total increase up to the rate of 34. oG per cent. 

The tables given below show the increase from 1790 to 
1850, without reference to iutervening periods. 

Absolute inrrrase Incr. per 
1790. 1850. in CO years. ct. in GO 

vears. 

No. of whites 3,172,464 19,630,019 16,4o7,o5o oii.7:»7 

Free colored 59,466 428,637 369.171 61,744 

Slaves 697,897 3,184,262 2,486,365 35,013 

Tot. free col. e^c si. 757,363 3,612,809 2,855,536 377 

Total population... 3,929,827 23,246,301 19,316,417 491,152 

Sixty years since the proportion between the whites and 
blacks, bond and free, was 4.2 to 1. In 1850 it was 5.26 
to 1 ; and the ratio in favor of the former race is in- 
creasing. Had the blacks increased as fast as the whites 
during these sixty years the number on the first of June 
would have been 4,657,230; so that, in comparison with 
the whites, they have lost in this period 1,350,340. 

This disparity is much more than accounted for by 
European emigration to the United States. 

Dr. Chickering, in an essay on emigration, published in 
Boston in 1848, distinguished for great elaborateness of 
research, estimates the gain of the white population from 
this source at 3,922,152. Xo reliable record was kept of 
the emigrants into the United States until 1820, when, by 
the laws of 3Iarch, 1819, the collectors were required to 
make quarterly returns of foreign pa.«sengers arriving in 
their districts. For the first ten years the returns under 



388 APPENDIX. [a] 

the laws afford materials for only an approximation to a 
true state of the facts involved in this inquiry. 

Dr. Chickering assumes, as a result of his investigations, 
that of the 6,431,088 inhabitants of the United States in 
1820, 1,430,906 were foreigners arrived subsequent to 
1790, or the descendants of such. According to Dr. Sey- 
bert, an earlier writer upon statistics, the number of foreign 
passengers from 1790 to 1810 was, as nearly as could be 
ascertained, 120,000; and from the estimates of Dr. Sey- 
bert, and other evidence, Honorable Geo. Tucker, author 
of a valuable work on the census of 1840, supposed the num- 
ber from 1810 to 1820 to have been 114,000. These esti- 
mates make, for the thirty years preceding 1820, 234,000. 
If we reckon the census of emigrants at the average 
rate of the whole body of white population during these 
three decades, they and their descendants in 1820 would 
amount to about 360,000. 

From 1820 to 1830 there arrived, according to the 
returns of the custom-houses, 135,986 foreign passengers; 
and from 1830 to 1840, 579,370; making, for the twenty 
years, 715,356. 

During this period a large number of emigrants from 
England, Scotland, and Ireland, came into the United 
States throush Canada. 

Dr. Chickering estimates the number of such from 1820 
to 1830 at 67,993, and from 1830 to 1840 at 199,130; 
for the twenty years together, 267,123. During the same 
time Q. considerable number are supposed to have landed at 
New York with the purpose of pursuing their route to 
Canada ; but it is probable that the number of these was 
bin'auced by omissions in the official returns. 



[a] appendix. 

Without reference to the natural increase, then the 
accession to our population from foreign sources, from 1820 
to 1840, was 982,479 persons. 

From 1840 to 1850 the arrivals of foreign passengers 
in the ports of the United States have been as follows : 

1810, 1841 83,.504 

18^_> 101,107 

181;! 75,1.59 

1841 74,607 

184.-) 102,415 

1810 202,157* 

1847 234,756 

1848 226,524 

1849 209,610 

1850 17?.,011f 

Total 1,552,830 

As the heaviest portion of this great influx of emigra- 
tion took place in the latter part of the decade, it will 

* Tliis return includes fifteen months, to wit, from July 1, 1845, 
to September 30, 184G. 

f The report from the State Department for this year gives 
315,333 as the total number of passengers arriving in the United 
States ; but of these 30,023 were citizens of the Atlantic States 
proceeding to California by sea, and 5,320 natives of the country 
returning from visits abroad. A deduction of 106,879 is made 
from the balance for that portion of the year from .June 1 to Sep- 
tember 30. Within the last ten years there has probably been 
very little migration of foreigners into the United States over the 
Canadian frontier, — the disposition to take the route by Quebec 
having yielded to the increased facilities for direct passenger trans- 
portation to the cities of the Union ; what there has been may 
perhaps be considered as equaled by the number of foreigners 
passing into Canada, often landing at New York, many having 
been drawn thither by the opportunity of employment aflforded by 
the public works of the province. 



• 



390 APPENDIX. [a] 

probably be fair to estimate tlie natural increase during the 
term at 12 per cent., being about one-third of that of the 
white population of the country at its commencement. 

This will swell the aggregate to 1,739,192. Deducting 
this accession to the population from the whole amount of 
the increase of white inhabitants before given, that increase 
is shown to be 3,684,519, and the rate per cent, is reduced 
to 25.95. 

The density of population is a branch of the subject 
which naturally first attracts the attention of the inquirer. 
The following table has been prepared from the most authen- 
tic data accessible to this office. 

Table of the Area, and the number of Inhabitants to the square mile, 
of each State and Territory of the Union. 

Area ill Population No. ofinhab. 

States. square mile. in 1S50. to sq. mile. 

Maine 30,000 683,188 19.44 

New Hampshire 9,280 317,004 34.20 

Vermont 10,212 313,611 30.07 

Massachusetts 7,800 994,499 126.15 

Rhode Island 1,360 147,544 108.04 

Connecticut 4,674 370,791 79.33 

New York 46,000 3,097,394 67.06 

New Jersey 8,320 489,555 60.04 

Pennsylvania 46,000 2,311,785 50.25 

Delaware 2,120 91,535 43.64 

Maryland 9,356 583,035 62.31 

Virginia 61,552 1,421,661 23.17 

North Carolina 45,000 868,903 19.30 

South Carolina 24,-500 668,507 27.28 

Georgia 58,000 905,999 15.68 

Alabama 50,722 771,671 15.21 

Mississippi 47,156 606,555 12.86 

Louisiana 40,431 511,974 11.02 

Texas 237,321 212,592 .89 

Florida 59,268 87,401 1.47 

Kentucky 37,080 982,405 26.07 

Tennessee 45,000 1,002,625 21.98 

Missouri 67,380 682,043 10.12 



• 



[a] appendix. 391 

(^Continued from last page.) 

Area in 
States. square mile. 

Arkansas 5i', T. J8 

Ohio 3'.>,9('.4 

IiKliana 33,80'.) 

Illinois 5'), 105 

Michigan 56,243 

Iowa 50,914 

"Wisconsin 53,924 

California 188,981 

Minnesota 83,000 

Oregon 3-11,-163 

New Mexico 210,744 

Utah 177,923 

Nebraska 136,700 

Indian 187,171 

North-West 587,564 

District Columbia 60 



Popu'ation 


No. of inhab 


ill 18...0. 


to sq. mile. 


209,639 


4.01 


1,980,408 


49.55 


\)Y\ ll 


29.23 


85 : . 1 . 


15.:;6 


897.654 


7.07 


192,214 


3.77 


30^,191 


5.65 


6,077 


.07 


13,293 


.03 


61,505 


.28 


*5i*,'687 


80iJ45 


23,080,792 





Total 3,221,595 

From the location, cliniatc, productions, and the habits 
and pursuits of their inhabitants, the States of the Union 
may be properly arranged into the following groups : 

Area in J^'o. of irh.nb- 

States. square mile. Population. to sq. nii-c. 

New En-bind States 63,226 2,727,597 43.07 

Middle Stites. including Ma- 
ryland, Delaware, and Ohio 151,760 8,053,713 67.02 

Coast planting .States, includ- 
ing South Carolina, Georgia, 
Florida, .Alabama, .Missis- 
sippi, and Loui^^iana 296,077 3,537,089 12.36 

Central Slave States, Vir- 
ginia, N. Carolina, Ten- 
nessee, Kentucky, Missouri, 
and Arkansas 308,210 5,168,000 10.75 

North- Western States, India- 
na, Michigan, Illinois, Wis- 
consin, and Iowa 250,000 2,735,000 10.92 

Texas 237,000 212,000 89 

California 189,000 165,000 87 



392 APPENDIX. [a] 

There are points of agreement in the general character- 
istics of the States combined in the above groups which 
warrant the mode of arrangement adopted. Maryland is 
classed as heretofore with the Middle States, because its 
leading interests appear to connect it rather with the com- 
mercial and manufacturing section to which it is here 
assigned, than with the purely agricultural States. Ohio 
is placed in the same connection for nearly similar reasons. 
There seems to be a marked propriety for setting off the 
new agricultural States of the North-West by themselves, 
as a preliminary to the comparison of their progress with 
other portions of the Union. The occupations which give 
employment to the people of the central range of States 
south of the line of the Potomac, distinguish them to some 
extent from that division to which we have given the ap- 
pellation of coast planting States. In the latter cotton, 
sugar, and rice are the great staples, the cultivation of 
which is so absorbing as to stamp its impress on the char- 
acter of the people. The industry of the central States is 
more diversified, the surface of the country is more broken, 
the modes of cultivation are different, and the minuter 
divisions of labor create more numerous and less accordant 
interests. So far as Texas is settled, its population closely 
assimilates with that of the other coast planting States, but 
it would obviously convey no well-founded idea of the 
density of population in that section to distribute their 
people over the most uninhabited region of Texas. For 
the same reason, and the additional one of the isolation of 
her position, California is considered distinct from other 
States. 

Taking the thirty-one States together, their area is 



laJ appendtx. 393 

1,485,870 square miles, and tlic average number of their 
inhabitants is 15.48 to the sciuare mile. The total area of 
the United States is 3,220,000 square miles, and the 
average density of population is 7.219 to the square mile. 

The areas assigned to those States and Territories in 
which pu])lic lands are situated are doubtless correct, being 
taken from the records of the Land Office ; but as to those 
attributed to the older States, the same means of verifying 
their accuracy, or the want of it, do not exist. But care 
has been taken to consult the best local authorities for 
ascertaining the extent of surface in these States ; and as 
the figures adopted are found to agree with, or differ but 
slightl}' from, those assumed to be correct at the General 
Land Office, it is probable they do not vary essentially 
from the exact truth. 

The area of some of the States, as Maryland and Vir- 
ginia, are stated considerably below the commonly assumed 
extent of the territory, which may be accounted fur on the 
supposition that the portions of the surface within their 
exterior limits, covered by large bodies of water, have been 
subtracted from the aggregate amount. This is known to 
be the case in regard to Maryland, the superficial extent of 
which, within the outlines of its boundaries, is 13,939 
square miles, and is deemed probable with reference to 
Virginia, from the fact that many geographers have given 
its total area as high as 06,000 square milt's. 

It appears from the returns that during tiie year ending 
on the 1st of June, 1850, there escaped from their ownera 
1,011 slaves, and that during the same period 1,407 were 
manumitted. The number of both classes will appear in 
ihe follow] nsr table : 



11 



394 APPENDIX. [a] 

Manumitted and Fugitive Slaves in 1 850. 

Manu. Fug. 

Delaware 277 26 

Maryland 493 297 

Virginia 218 83 

Kentucky 152 96 

Tennessee 45 70 

North Carolina 2 64 

South Carolina 2 16 

Georgia 19 89 

Florida 22 18 

Alabama 16 29 

Mississippi 6 41 

Louisiana 159 90 

Texas 5 29 

Arkansas 1 21 

Missouri ... 50 60 • 

Total 1,467 1,011 

In connection with this statement, and as affecting the 
natural increase of the free colored population of the 
United States, it may be proper to remark that, during the 
year to which the census applies, the Colonization Society 
sent 562 colored emigrants to Liberia. 

In our calculations respecting the increase of the free 
colored population, we have not considered that class of 
persons, independent of these two causes, which respectively 
swell and diminish their number. 

The statistics of mortality for the census year represent 
the number of deaths occurring within the year at 320.194, 
the ratio being as 1 to 72.6 of the living population, or as 
10 to each 726 of the population. The rate of mortality in 
this statement seems so much less than that of any portion 
of Europe, that it must at present be received with some 
ilegree of allowance. 

Should a more critical examination, which time will 



[a] appendix. 395 

enable us to exorcise, prove the returns of the number of 
deaths too small, such a result will not affeet their value for 
tlu' purposes of comparison of one portion of the country 
with anotlior, or causo with eilect. The tables will possess 
an interest second to n(inp others in the world ; and the 
many valuable truths wiiieh they will suggest will be fuund 
of great practical advantage. 

Medical men accord to the Census Bureau no small 
meed of credit, for the wisdom manifested in an arrange- 
ment which will throw more light on the history of disease 
in the United States, and present in connection more inter- 
esting facts connected therewith, than the united efforts of 
all scientific men have heretofore acecomplished. 



AGRICULTURE. 

The great amount of labor requisite to the extraction 
of the returns of agriculture will admit at this time of pre- 
senting but limited accounts, though perhaps, to some ex- 
tent, of the most separate interests. 

The returns of the wheat crop for many of the Western 
States will not at all indicate the average crop of those 

States. 

This is especially the case with Ohio, Indiana, and 
Illinois, from which, especially the former, the Assistant 
Marshals returned a "short crop" to the extent of fifty per 
cent, throughout the whole State. 

The shortness of the wheat crop in Ohio in 1849 is veri- 
fied by returns made during the subsequent season by 
uutliority of the legislature. 



396 APPENDIX. [a] 

MANUFACTURES. 

The period which has elapsed since the receipt of the 
returns has been so short as to enable the office to make 
but a general report of the facts relating to a few of the 
most important manufactures. 

If, in some instances, the amount of capital invested in 
any branch of manufacture should seem too small, it must 
be borne in mind that, where the product is of several 
kinds, the capital invested, not being divisible, is connected 
with the product of greatest consequence. This, to some 
extent, reduces the capital invested in the manufacture of 
bar iron in such establishments where some other article 
of wrought iron predominates, — sheet iron, for example. 

The aggregate, however, of the capital invested in the 
various branches of wrought iron will, it is confidently be- 
lieved, be found correct. 

The entire capital invested in the various manufactures in the 
United States, on the 1st of June, 1850, not to include any estab- 
lishment producing less than the annual value of $500, amounted 

to, in round numbers $580,000,000 

Value of raw material 550,000,000 

Amount paid for labor 240,000,000 

Value of manufactured articles 1,020,300,000 

Number of persons employed 1,050,000 

The capital invested in the manufacture of cotton... $74,501,031 

Value of raw material 34,835,05(5 

Amount paid for labor 16,280,304 

Value of manufactured articles 61,860,184 

Number of hands employed 30,252 

The capital invested in the manufacture of woolen 

goods amounted to $28,118,650 

Value of raw material 25,755,93 

Amount paid for labor 8,399,28 

Value of product 43,207,55 

Number of hands employed...., 92,286 



[a] . APPENDIX. 397 

The capital invested in the mfinufacttiro of pig iron 

amounted to $17,^40,425 

Viiluo of raw material 7,00:.,2M9 

Amount paid for labor r),0(U\,r,'2H 

Value of product 12,748,777 

Number of hands employed 20,4 18 

In making these estimates the Assistant Marshals did 
not include any return of works which had not produced 
metal within the year, or those which had not commenced 
operations. The same is applicable to all manufactures 
enumerated. 

The capital invested in the manufacture of castings 

amounted to $17,416,801 

Value of raw material 10,340,o55 

Amount paid for labor 7,078,020 

Value of product 25,108,lo5 

Number of hands employed 23,589 

The capital invested in the manufacture of wrought 

iron amounted to $13,095,220 

\';\lue of raw material 0,518,100 

Amount paid for labor 4,100.0l*8 

Value of product 16,887,074 

Number of hands employed 13,057 

The statistics of the newspaper press form an intcrcst- 
ir."- feature in the returns of the seventh census. It 
appears that the wliole number of newspapers and periodi- 
cals in the United States, on the 1st of June, 1850, 
amounted to 2,800. Of these 2,494 were fully returned, 
234 had all the facts excepting circulation given, and 72 
arc estimated for California, the territories, and for those 
that may have been omitted by the Assistant Marshals. 

From calculations made on the statistics returned, and 
estimated circulations where they have been omitted, it 
appears that the aggregate circulation of those 2,800 papers 
S4 





No. of copies 


Circulation. 


printed annually 


750,000 


235.000,000 


76,000 


11,700,000 


80,000 


8,3-iO.OOO 


2,87.\000 


149,500,000 


300,000 


9,300,000 


900,000 


10,800,000 


20,000 


80,000 


6,000,000 


422,600,000 



398 APPENDIX. [a] 

and periodicals is about 5,000,000, and that the entire 
number of copies printed annually in the United States 
amounts to 422,600,000. The following table will show 
the number of daily, weekly, monthly, and other issues, 
with the aggregate circulation of each class. 



No. 

Dailies 350 

Triweeklies 150 

Semi-weeklies 125 

Weeklies 2,000 

Semi-monthlies 50 

Monthlies 100 

Quarterlies 25 

Total 2,800 

424 papers are issued in the New England States, 876 
in the Middle States, 716 in the Southern States, and 784 
in the Western States. 

The average circulation of papers in the United States 
is 1,785. 

There is one publication for every 7,161 free inhabit- 
ants in the United States and Territories. 

The work, of course, has not been submitted to the 
public for its judgment; but where opinions have been at 
ail expressed, by those deemed good authority, on the pro- 
priety of our classification, they have been invariably fiivor- 
able. Some such have found their way into public docu- 
ments. In the 32d Annual Report of the New York 
Institution for the Deaf and Dumb, made to the legislature 
of that State, the following language occurs with respect to 
our designed classification of such portion of the work as 
interested particularly the Directors of the Institution ; 



[a] ArrENDix. LOd 

** Such a list will furnish vahiaMo mntorial.s, never possppsp<l 
to any extent before, for solving many liiphly interesting statiHti- 
c;il questions, atid its publication is looked for wilh much inti rest. 
We shall endeavor in our next Annual Ki-port to set forth the 
results of a careful analysis of tlie census respecting the Deaf and 
Dumb." 

So fiir as the judgment of the public press is concerned, 
its expression has been much more favorable than could bo 
wished, with its imperfect knowledge of the plan, as expec- 
tations may thereby be raised which the results will not 
justify. None of the information, as imparted in the 
volume of statistics, has been promulgated, it being con- 
sidered indelicate to make known to the world information 
due first to the Head of the Department, and through him 
to Congress; and it would not be decorous to forestal the 
dispassionate judgment of either. 

It has seemed to me that a work, the expense of which 
is shared by the whole community, should be arranged, as 
far as possible, for general utility, and not a compilation 
of mere columns of figures, interesting only to the man 
of science, for legislative purposes, or for reference, but 
should be so adapted that, while it will furni-^h practical 
information to the statesman and philo.sopher, and useful 
data for the legislator, it will contain also matters interest- 
ing to every portion of the community, furnished somewhat 
in advance of those deductions from analytical investiga- 
tions made j'cars after its publication. To this end, if sup- 
ported by the favorable opinion of Congress, it will be made 
to evolve all the instruction which zealous efforts, thou^rh 
limited ability, are capable of eliciting from the facts, within 
such period of time as it must be accomplished without 
retarding its publication. J. R. RocHE. 

Census Office, Dec. 3, 5 J o'clock, A. 31. 



400 



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[b] appendix. 403 

DECLARATION OF WAR. 

The Message of President Madison to Congress, immo- 
diatel}' preceding the Declaration of War against England, 
in 1812, — the lliport of the ConHnittec on Foreign Rela- 
tions, to whom it was referred, — the Declaration of War 
itself, — and the President's Proclamation of that grave 
event, — are all documents that will ever possess deep in- 
terest to Americans. The two first give, in the most concise 
form, the causes that led to that war, and they therefore 
deserve to be often read and free to general access. For 
these reasons they have been incorporated in this volume. 
The President's message was communicated to Congress on 
the 1st day of June, 1812. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States. 

I communicate to Congress certain documents, being a 
continuation of those heretofore laid before them, on the 
subject of our affairs with Great Britain. 

Without going back beyond the renewal, in 1803, of 
the war in which Great Britain is engaged, and omitting 
our repaired wrongs of inferior magnitude, the conduct of 
her government presents a series of acts hostile to the 
United States as an independent and neutral nation. 

British cruisers have been in the continued practice of 
violating the American flag on the great high way of na- 
tions, and of seizing and carrying off persons sailing under 
it; not in the exercise of a belligerent right, founded on 
the laws of nations against an enemy, but of a municipal 
prerogative over British subjects. British jurisdiction is 
thus extended to neutral vessels in a situation where no 



4C4 APPENDIX. [b] 

laws can operate but the law of nations and tlie laws of the 
country to which the vessels belong ; and a self-redress is 
assumed which, if British subjects were wrongfully de- 
tained and alone concerned, is that substitution of force, for 
a resort to the responsible sovereign, which falls within the 
definition of war. Could the seizure of British subjects in 
such cases be regarded as within the exercise of a belligerent 
right, the acknowledged laws of war, which forbid an article 
of captured property to be adjudged without a regular in- 
vestigation before a competent tribunal, would imperiously 
demand the fairest trial when the sacred rights of person 
were at issue. In place of such a trial, these rights are 
subject to-the will of every petty commander. 

The practice, hence, is so far from affecting British sub- 
jects alone, that under the pretext of searching for these, 
thousands of American citizens, under the safeguard of the 
public and of their national flag, have been torn from their 
country and from everything dear to them; have been 
dragged on board ships of war of foreign nations, and ex- 
posed, under the severities of their discipline, to be exiled 
to the most distant and deadly climes, to risk their lives in 
the battles of their oppressors, and to be the melancholy 
instruments of taking away those of their own brethren. 

Against this crying enormity, which Great Britain would 
be so prompt to avenge if committed on herself, the United 
States have in vain exhausted remonstrance and expostula- 
tion. And that no proof might be wanting of their con- 
ciliatory dispositions, and no pretext left for a continuance 
of the practice, the British government was formally assured 
of the readiness of the United States to enter into arrange- 
ments, such as could not be rejected, if the recovery of 



[b] appendix. 405 

British subjects were the real and sole object. The com- 
munication passod without cflect. 

British cruisers have been in the practice also of violat- 
ing the rights and the peace of our coasts. They hover 
over and harass our entering and deporting commerce. To 
the most ins-Ailting pretensions they have added the most 
lawless proceedings in our \Try liarbors, and have wantonly 
spilt American blood within the sanctuary of our territorial 
jurisdiction. The principles and rules enforced by that 
nation, when a neutral nation, against armed vessels of bel- 
ligerents hovering near her coasts and disturbing her com- 
merce, are well known. When called on, nevertheless, by 
the United Stites to punish the greater offences committed 
by her own vessels, her government has bestowed on their 
commanders additional marks of honor and confidence. 

Under pretended blockades, without the presence of an 
adequate force, and sometimes without the practicability of 
applying one, our commerce has been plundered in every 
sea; the great staples of our country have been cut off 
from their legitimate markets, and a destructive blow aimed 
at our agricultural and maritime interests. In aggravation 
of these predatory measures, they have been considered as 
in force from the dates of their notification, a retrospective 
eflfect being thus added, as has been done in other important 
cases, to the unlawfulness of the course pursued ; and to 
render the outrage the more signal, these mock blockades 
have been reiterated and enforced in the face of ofiicial 
communications from the British government, declaring, as 
the true definition of a legal blockade, *' the particular ports 
must be actually invested, and previous warning given to 
vessels bound to them not to enter." 



406 APPENDIX. [b] 

Not content with these occasional expedients for laying 
waste our neutral trade, the cabinet of Great Britain re- 
sorted, at length, to the sweeping system of blockades, un- 
der the name of Orders in Council, which has been moulded 
and managed as might best suit its political views, its com- 
mercial jealousies, or the avidity of British cruisers. 

To our remonstrances against the complicated and trans- 
cendent injustice of this innovation, the first reply was that 
the orders were reluctantly adopted by Great Britain as a 
necessary retaliation on decrees of her enemy, proclaiming 
a general blockade of the British Isles, at a time when 
the naval force of that enemy dared not to issue from his 
own ports. She was reminded, without eifect, that her own 
prior blockade, unsupported by an adequate naval force ac- 
tually applied and continued, was a bar to this plea; that 
executed edicts against millions of our property would not 
be retaliation on edicts confessedly impossible to be exe- 
cuted; that retaliation, to be just, should fall on the party 
setting the guilty example, not on an innocent party, which 
was not even chargeable with an acquiescence in it. 

When deprived of this flimsy veil for a prohibition of 
our trade with her enemy, by the repeal of his prohibition 
of our trade with Great Britain, her cabinet, instead of a 
corresponding repeal or a practical discontinuance of its 
orders, formally avowed a determination to persist in them 
against the United States, until the markets of her enemy 
should be laid open to British product ; thus asserting an 
obligation on a neutral power to require one belligerent 
power to encourage, by its internal regulations, the trade 
of another belligerent, contradicting her own practice to- 
wards all nations, in peace as well as war, and betraying the 



[b] AITENDIX. 407 

insincerity of these professions which inculcated a belief 
that, having resorted to iicr orders with regret, she was 
anxious to find an occasion for putting an end to them. 

Abandoning still more all respect for the neutral rights 
of the United States, and for its own consistency, the British 
government now deaiands, as pre-requisitcs to a repeal of its 
orders as they relate to the United States, that a formality 
should be observed in the repeal of the French decrees, no- 
wise necessary to their termination, nor exemplified by 
British usage ; and that the French repeal, besides includ- 
ing that portion of the decrees which operate within a ter- 
ritorial jurisdiction, as well as that which operates on the 
high seas against the commerce of the United States, should 
not be a single special repeal in relation to the United 
States, but should be extended to whatever other neutral 
nations unconnected with them may be affected by those 
decrees. And as an additional insult, they are called on 
for a formal disavowal of conditions and pretensions ad- 
vanced by the French government, for which the United 
States are so far from having made themselves responsible, 
that, in official explanations, which have been published to 
♦ the world, and in a correspondence of the American minister 
at London with the British minister for foreign affairs, such 
a responsibility was explicitly and emphatically disclaimed. 
It has become, indeed, sufficiently certain that the com- 
merce of the United States is to be sacrificed, not as interfer- 
ing with the belligerent rights of Great Britain, not as sup- 
plying the wants of her enemies, which she herself supplies, 
but as interfering with the monopoly which she covets for 
her own commerce and navigation. She carries on a war 
against the lawful commerce of a friend, that she may the 



*.: 



408 APPENDIX. [b] 

better carry on a commerce polluted by tbe forgeries and 
perjuries which are, for the most part, the only passports 
by which it can succeed. 

Anxious to make every experiment short of the last re- '*« 
sort of injured nations, the United States have withheld 
from Great Britain, under successive modifications, the ben- 
efits of a free intercourse with their market, the loss of 
which could not but outweigh the profits accruing from her 
restrictions of our commerce with other nations. And to 
entitle these experiments to the more favorable considera- 
tion, they were so framed as to enable her to place her ad- 
versary under the exclusive operation of them. To these 
appeals her government has been equally inflexible, as if 
"willing to make sacrifices of every sort, rather than yield to 
the claims of justice or renounce the errors of a false pride. 
Nay, so far were the attempts carried, to overcome the at- 
tachment of the British cabinet to its unjust edicts, that it 
received every encouragement within the competency of the 
executive branch of our government to expect that a repeal 
of them would be followed by a war between the United 
States and France, unless the French edicts should also be 
repealed. Even this communication, although silencing 
forever the plea of a disposition in the United States to 
acquiesce in those edicts, originally the sole plea for them, 
received no attention. fl 

If no other proof existed of a predetermination of the 
British government against a repeal of its orders, it might 
be found on the correspondence of the minister plenipoten- 
tiary of the United States at London, and the British secre- 
tary for foreign affairs in 1810, on the question whether the 
blockade of May, 1806, was considered as in force or as 



[b] Arrr.xDix. 400 

not in force. It had been ascertained that the French gov- 
ernment, which urged this blockade as the ground of its 
Berlin decree, was willing, in the event of its removal, to 
repeal that decree ; which, being followed by alternate re- 
peals of the other offensive edicts, might abolish the whole 
system on both sides. This inviting oj)portunity for accom- 
plishing an object so important to the I'nited States, and 
professed so often to be the desire of both the belligerents, 
was made known to the British government. As that gov- 
ernment admits that an actual application of an adequate 
force is necessary to the existence of a legal blockade, — and 
it was notorious, that if such a force had ever been applied, 
its long discontinuance had annulled the blockade in ques- 
tion, — there could be no sufficient objection on the part of 
Great Britain to a formal revocation of it ; and no imagin- 
able objection to a declaration of the fact, that the blockade 
did not exist. The declaration would have been consistent 
with her avowed principles of blockade, and would have 
enabled the United States to demand from France the 
pledged repeal of her decrees ; either with success, in which 
case the way would have been opened for a general repeal 
of the belligerent edicts ; or without success, in which case 
the United States would have been justified in turning their 
measures exclusively against France. The British govern- 
ment would, however, neither rescind the blockade nor de- 
clare its non-existence ; nor permit its non-existence to be 
inferred and affirmed by the American plenipotentiary. On 
the contrary, by representing the blockade to be compre- 
hended in the orders in council, the United States were 
compelled so to regard it in their subsequent proceedings. 
There was a period when a favorable change in the pol- 
85 



410 APPENDIX. [b] 

icy of the British cabinet was justly considered as estab- 
lished. The minister plenipotentiary of his Britannic ma- 
jesty here proposad an adjustment of the differences more 
immediately endangering the harmony of the two countries. 
The proposition was accepted with a promptitude and cor- 
diality corresponding with the invariable professions of this 
government. A foundation appeared to be laid for a sincere 
and lasting reconciliation. The prospect, however, quickly 
vanished. The whole proceeding was disavowed by the 
British government without any explanations which could at 
that time repress the belief that the disavowal proceeded 
from a spirit of hostility to the commercial rights and pros- 
perity of the United States. And it has since come into 
proof, that at the very moment when the public minister 
was holding the language of friendship, and inspiring confi- 
dence in the sincerity of the negotiation with which he was 
charged, a secret agent of his government was employed in 
intrigues, having for their object a subversion of our gov- 
ernment, and a dismemberment of our happy union. 

In reviewing the conduct of Great Britain towards the 
United States, our attention is necessarily drawn to the 
warfare just renewed by the savages on one of our extensive 
frontiers ; a warfare which is known to spare neither age 
or sex, and to be distinguished by features peculiarly shock- 
ing to humanity. It is difficult to account for the activity 
and combinations which have for some time been developing 
themselves among tribes in the constant intercourse with 
British traders and garrisons, without connecting their 
hostility with that influence, and without recollecting the 
authenticated examples of such interpositions heretofore 
furnished by the officers and agents of that government. 



[b] appendix. 411 

Such is the spectacle of injuries and indignities wliich 
have been heaped on our country, and such the crisis which 
its uncxanij)lcd forbearance and conciliatory efforts iiavc 
not been able to avert. It might at least have been expected 
that an enlightened nation, if less urged by moral obliga- 
tions, or invited by friendly dispositions on the part of the 
United States, would have found, in its true interest alone, 
a sufficient motive to respect their rights and their tranrjuil- 
lity on the high seas; that an enlarged policy would have 
favored that free and general circulation of commerce, in 
•which the British nation is at all times interested, and which 
in times of war is the best alleviation of its calamities to 
herself as well as the other belligerents ; and more espe- 
cially that the British cabinet would not, for the sake of the 
precarious and surreptitious intercourse with hostile markets, 
have persevered in a course of measures which necessarily 
put at hazard the invaluable market of a great and growing 
country, disposed to cultivate the mutual advantages of an 
active commerce. 

Other councils have prevailed. Our moderation and 
conciliation have had no other effect than to encourage per- 
severance and to enlarge pretensions. We behold our sea- 
faring citizens still the daily victims of lawless violence 
committed on the great common and highway of nations, 
even within sight of the country which owes them protec- 
tion. We behold our vessels freighted with the products 
of our soil and industry, or returning with the honest pro- 
ceeds of them, wrested from their lawful destinations, con- 
fiscated by prize courts, no longer the organ of public law, 
but the instruments of arbitrary edicts ; and their unfortu- 
nate crews dispersed and lost, or forced or inveigled, in 



412 APPENDIX. [b] 

Eritisli ports, into British fleets ; whilst arguments are em- 
ployed in support of tiiese aggressions, which have no 
foundation but in a principle equally supporting a claim to 
regulate our external commerce in all cases whatsoever. 

We behold, in fine, on the side of Great Britain a state 
of war against the United States ; and on the side of the 
United States a state of peace toward Great Britain. 

Whether the United States shall continue passive under 
these progressive usurpations, and these accumulating 
wrongs, or, opposing force to force in defense of their nat- 
ural rights, shall commit a just cause into the hands of the 
Almighty Disposer of events, avoiding all connections which 
might entangle it in the contests or views of other powers, 
and preserving a constant readiness to concur in an honora- 
ble re-establishment of peace and friendship, is a solemn 
question, which the constitution wisely confides to the leg- 
islative department of the government. In recommending 
it to their early deliberations, I am happy in the assurance 
that the decision will be worthy the enhghtened and patri- 
otic councils of a virtuous, a free, and a powerful nation. 

Having presented this view of the relations of the 
United States with Great Britain, and of the solemn alter- 
native growing out of them, I proceed to remark that the 
communications last made to Congress, on the subject of our 
relations with France, will have shown that since the revo- 
cation of her decrees as they violated the neutral rights of 
the United States, her government has authorized illegal 
captures, by its privateers and public ships, and that other 
outrages have been practiced on our vessels and our citizens. 
It will have been seen, also, that no indemnity had been 
provided or satisfactorily pledged for the extensive spolia- 



i 



[b] appendix. 413 

(ions committed under the violent and retrospective orders 
oi" the French government uguiust the property of our citi- 
zens, seized within the jurisdiction of France. 1 abstain 
at this time from recommending to the consideration of 
(Congress delinitivc measures with respect to tliat nation, in 
the expectation that the result of unclosed discussions be- 
tween our minister plenipotentiary at Paris and the French 
government will speedily enable Congress to decide, with 
greater advantage, on the course due to the rights, the 
interest, and the honor of our country. 

JAMES MADISON. 
"Washington, June 1, 1812. 

The committee on Foreign relations, — to whom icas re- 
ferred the Message of the President of the United States, 
of the 1st of June, 1812, — 

Report, — That after the experience which the United 
States have had of the great injustice of the British gov- 
ernment towards them, exemplified by so many acts of vio- 
lence and oppression, it will be more difficult to justify to 
the impartial world their patient forbearance than the meas- 
ures to which it has become necessary to resort, to avenge 
the wrongs, and vindicate the rights and honor of the nation. 
Your committee are hapi)y to observe, on a dispassionate 
review of the conduct of the United States, that they seo 
in it no cause for censure. 

If a long forbearance under injuries ought ever to bo 
considered a virtue in any nation, it is one which peculiarly 
becomes the United States. No people ever had stronger 
motives to cherish peace : none have ever cherished it with 
greater sincerity and zeal. 

35^^ ^ 



414 APPENDIX. [b] 

But the period has now arrived when the United States 
must support their character and station among the nations 
of the earth, or suhmit to the most shameful degradation. 
Forbearance has ceased to be a virtue. War on the one 
side, and peace on the other, is a situation as ruinous as it is 
disgraceful. The mad ambition, the lust of power and 
commercial avarice of Great Britain, arrogating to herself 
the complete dominion of the ocean, and exercising over it 
a lawless and unbounded tyranny, have left to neutral na- 
tions an alternative only between a base surrender of their 
rights and a manly surrender of them. Happily for the 
United States, their destiny, under the aid of heaven, is in 
their own hands. The crisis is formidable only by their 
love of peace. As soon as it becomes a duty to relinquish 
their situation, danger disappears. They have suffered no 
wrongs, — they have received no insults, however great, for 
which they cannot obtain redress. 

More than seven years have elapsed since the commence- 
ment of the system of hostile aggression by the British 
government on the rights and interests of the United 
States. The manner of its commencement was not less 
hostile than the spirit with which it has been prosecuted. 
The United States have invariably done everything in their 
power to preserve the relations of friendship with Great 
Britain. Of this disposition they gave a distinguished proof 
at the moment when they were made the victims of an op- 
posite policy. The wrongs of the last war had not been 
forgotten at the commencement of the present one. They 
warned us of dangers against which it was sought to pro- 
vide. As early a-s the year 1804, the minister of the United 
States at London was instructed to invite the British gov- 



[p.] Arrr.NDix. 415 

crnmcnt to enter into a negotiation on all the points on 
whieb u coalition might ariso between the two countries, in 
the course of the war, anil to propose to it an arrangement 
of their claims on fair and reasonable contlitionts. The in- 
vitation w:is ucccptoil. A n«^gotiation had commenced and 
was depending, and nothing had occurred to excite a doubt 
that it would not terminate to the satisfaction of both par- 
ties. It was at this time, and under these circumstances, 
that an attack was made by surprise on an important branch 
of American commerce, which affected every part of the 
United States, and involved many of their citizens in ruin. 

The commerce on which this attack was so unexpectedly 
made was between the United Utatcs and the colonies of 
France, Spain, and other enemies of Great Britain. A 
commerce just in itself, sanctioned by the example of Great 
Britain, in regard to the trade with her own colonies; 
sanctioned by a solemn act between the two governments in 
the last war, and sanctioned by the practice of the British 
government in the present war, more than two years having 
elapsed without any interference with it. 

The injustice of the attack could only be equaled by 
the absurdity of the pretext alleged for it. It was pre- 
tended by the British government that, in case of war, her 
enemy had no right to modify its colonial regulations so as 
to mitigate the calamities of war to the inhabitants of its 
colonies. This pretension to Great Britain is utterly incom- 
patible with the rights of the sovereignty in every independ- 
ent State. If we recur to the well-established and universally 
admitted law of nations, we shall find no sanction to it in 
that venerable code. . The sovereignty of every State is co- 
extensive with its dominions; and cannot be abrogated, or 



416 APPENDIX. [BJ 

curtailed in rights, as to any part, except by conquest. 
Neutral nations have a right to trade to every port of either 
belligereht which is not legally blockaded, and in all articles 
■which arc not contraband of "war. Such is the absurdity 
of this pretension, that your committee are aware, especially 
after the able manner in which it has been heretofore refuted 
and exposed, that they would ofler an insult to the under- 
standing of the House if they enlarged on it; and if any- 
thing could add to the high sense of the injustice of the 
British government in the transaction, it would be the con- 
trast which her conduct exhibits in regard to this trade, and 
in regard to a similar trade by neutrals with her own colo- 
nies. It is known to the world that Great Britain regulates 
her own trade in war and in peace, at home in her colonies, 
as she finds for her interest — that in war she relaxes the 
restraints of her colonial systems in favor of the colonies, 
and that it never was suggested that she had not a right to 
do it, or that a neutral in taking advantage of the relaxa- 
tion violated a belligerent right of her enemy. But with 
Great Britain everything is lawful. It is only in a trade 
with her enemies that the United States can do wrono;. 
With them all trade is unlawful. 

In the year 1793, an attack was made by the British 
government on the same branch of our neutral trade, which 
had nearly involved the two countries in a war. That dif- 
ference, however, was amicably accommodated. The pre- 
tension was withdrawn and reparation made to the United 
States for the losses which they had suifered by it. It was 
fair to infer from that arrangement that the commerce was 
deemed by the British government lawful, and that it would 
not be again disturbed. 



[b] appendix. 417 

Had the British government been resolved to contest 
this trade with neutrals, it was due to the character of the 
British nation that the decision should be made known to 
the government of the United States. The existence of a 
negotiation which had been invited by our government, for 
the purpose of preventing differences by an amicable ar- 
raugtmeut of their respective pretensions; gave a strong 
claim to the notilication, while it afforded the fairest oppor- 
tunitv for it. But a very different policy aniraat^id the then 
cabinet of England. The Hberal confidence and friendly 
overtures of the United States were taken advantage of to 
ensnare them. Steady to its purpose, and inflexibly hostile 
to this country, the British government calmly looked for- 
ward to the moment when it might give the mo.st deadly 
wound to our interests. A trade just in itself, which was 
secured by so many strong and sacred pledges, was consid- 
ered safe. Our citizens, with their usual industry and 
enterprise, had embarked in it a vast proportion of their 
shipping, and of their capital, which were at sea, under no 
other protection than the law of nations, and the confidence 
which they reposed in the justice and friendship of the Brit- 
ish nation. At this period the unexpected blow was given ; 
many of our vessels were seized, carried into port and con- 
demned by a tribunal, which, while it professes to respect 
the law of nations, obeyed the mandates of its own govern- 
ment. Hundreds of other vessels were driven from the 
ocean, and the trade itself in a great measure suppressed. 
The effect produced by this attack on the lawful commerce 
of the United States was such as might have been expected 
from a virtuous, independent and highly injured people. 
But one sentiment pervaded the whole American nation. 



418 APPENDIX. [b] 

No local interests were regarded ; no sordid motives felt. 
Without looking to the parts which suffered most, the inva- 
sion of our rights was considered a common cause, and from 
one extremity of our Union to the other was heard the 
voice of an united people, calling on their government to 
avenge their wrongs, and vindicate the rights and honor of 
their country. 

From this period the British government has gone on 
in a continued encroachment on the rights and interests of 
the United States, disregarding in its course, in many in- 
stances, obligations which have heretofore been held sacred 
by civilized nations. 

In May, 1806, the whole coast of the continent, from 
the Elbe to Brest inclusive, was declared to be in a state of 
blockade. By this act, the well-established principles of 
the law of nations, principles which have served for ages as 
guides, and fixed the boundary between the rights to beli- 
gerents and neutrals, were violated : By the law of nations, 
as recognized by Great Britain herself, no blockade is law- 
ful, unless it be sustained by the application of an adequate 
force, and that an adequate force was applied to this block- 
ade, in its full extent, ought not to be pretended. Whether 
Great Britain was able to maintain, legally, so extensive a 
blockade, considering the war in which she is engaged, re- 
quiring such extensive naval operations, is a question which 
it is not necessary at this time to examine. It is sufficient 
to be known that such force was not applied, and this is 
evident from the terms of the blockade itself, by which, 
comparatively, an inconsiderable portion of the coast only 
was declared to be in a state of strict and rigorous hlockade. 
The objection to the measure is not diminished by that cir- 



[e] ArrENDix. 419 

cufiistance. If the force was not applied, the blockade was 
imlawful from whatever cause the failure might proceed. 
The belligerent who institutes the blockade cannot absolve 
itself from the obligation to apply the force under any pre- 
text whatever. For a belligerent to relax a blockade, which 
it could not maintain, it would be a rolinemcnt in justice, 
not less insulting to the understanding than repugnant to 
the law of nations. To claim merit for the mitigation of an 
evil, which the party cither had not the power or found it 
incoiffvenient to inflict, would be a new mode of encroaching 
on neutral rights. Your committee think it just to remark 
that this act of the British government does not appear to 
have been adopted in the sense in which it has been since 
construed. On consideration of all the circumstances at- 
tending the measure, and particularly the character of the 
distinguished statesman who announced it, we are persuaded 
that it was conceived in a spirit of conciliation, and intended 
to lead to an accommodation of all differences between the 
United States and Great Britain. His death disappointed 
that hope, and the act has since become subservient to other 
purposes. It has been made by his successors a pretext for 
that vast system of usurpation which has so long oppressed 
and harassed our commerce. 

The next act of the British government which claims 
our attention is the order of council of January 7, 1807, by 
which lieutral powers are prohibited trading from one port 
to another of France or her allies, or any other country with 
which Great Britain might not freely trade. By this order 
the pretension of England, heretofore claimed by every 
other power, to prohibit neutrals disposing of parts of their 
cargoes at different ports of the same enemy, is revived and 



420 APPENDIX. [b] 

with vast accumulation of injury. Every enemy, however 
great the number or distant from each other, is considered 
one, and the like trade even with powers at peace with Eng- 
land, who from motives of policy had excluded or restrained 
her commerce, was also prohibited. In this act the British 
government evidently disclaimed all regard for neutral 
rights. Aware that the measures authorized by it could 
find no pretext in any belligerent right, none was urged. 
To prohibit the sale of our produce, consisting of innocent 
articles, at any port of a belligerent, not blockaded, — to con- 
sider every belligerent as one, and subject neutrals to the 
same restraints with all, as if there was but one, — were bold 
encroachments. But to restrain or in any manner interfere 
with our commerce with neutral nations with whom Great 
Britain was at peace, and against whom she had no justifi- 
able cause of war, for the sole reason that they restrained or 
excluded from their ports her commerce, was utterly in- 
compatible with the pacific relations subsisting between the 
two countries. 

We proceed to bring into view the British order in 
council of November 11th, 1807, which superseded every 
other order, and consummated that system of hostility on 
the commerce of the United States which has been since so 
steadily pursued. By this order all France and her allies 
and every other country at war with Great Britain, or with 
which she was not at war, from which the British flag was 
excluded and all the colonies of her enemies, were subjected 
to the same restrictions as if they were actually blockaded in 
the most strict and rigorous manner; and all trade in arti- 
L'es, the produce and manufacture of the said countries 
; lid colonies, and the vessels engaged in it, were subject to 



[li] ATTEN'DIX. 421 

cnpture and condemnation as l.iwful prizes. To this order 
certain exceptions were made, which we forbear to notice, 
because they were not adopted from a regard to natural 
riglits, but were dictated by policy to promote the commerce 
of England, and, so far as they related to neutral powers, 
were said to emanate from the clemency of the I>ritish gov- 
ernment. 

It would be surperfluous in your committee to state that 
by this order the British government declared direct and 
positive war against the United States. The dominion of 
the ocean was completely usui-pcd by it, all commerce for- 
bidden, and every flag driven from it or subjected to cap- 
ture and condemnation, which did not subserve the policy 
of the British government by paying it a tribute and sailing 
under its sanction. From this period the United States 
have incurred the heaviest losses and most mortifying hu- 
miliations. They have borne the calamities of war without 
retorting them upon its authors. 

So far j'our committee has presented to the view of 
the House the aggressions which have been committed, un- 
der the authority of the British government, on the com- 
merce of the United States. We will now proceed to other 
wrongs which have been still more severely felt. Among 
these is the impressment of our seamen, a practice which 
has been unceasingly maintained by Great Britain in the 
wars to which she has been a party since our revolution. 
Your committee cannot convey in adequate terms the deep 
sGuse which they entertain of the injustice and oppression 
of this proceeding. Uuder the pretext of impressing Brit- 
ish seamen, our fellow-citizens are seized in British ports, 
on tjc high seas, and in every other quarter to which the 



422 APPENDIX. [b] 

British power extends, are taken on board British-men-of- 
war, and compelled to serve tlbem as British subjects. In 
this mode our citizens are wantonly snatched from their 
country and their families, deprived of their liberty and 
doomed to an ignominious and slavish bondage, compelled 
to fight the battles of a foreign country, and often to perish 
in them. Our flag has given them no protection ; it has 
been unceasingly violated, and our vessels exposed to danger 
by the loss of the men taken from them. Your committee 
need not remark that while the practice is continued, it is 
impossible for the United States to consider themselves an 
independent nation. Every new case is a new proof of their 
degradation. Its continuance is the more unjustifiable be- 
cause the United States have repeatedly proposed to the 
British government an arrangement which would secure to 
it the control of its own people. An exemption of the Uni- 
ted States from this degrading oppression, and their flag from 
violation, is all that they have sought. 

The lawless waste of our trade, and equally unlawful 
impressment of our seamen, have been much aggravated by 
the insults and indignities attending them. Under the 
pretext of blockading the ports and harbors of France and 
her allies, British squadrons have been stationed on our own 
coast to watch and annoy our own trade. To give efi'ect to 
the blockade of European ports, the ports and harbors of 
the United States have been blockaded. In executing these 
orders of the British government, or in obeying the spirit 
which was known to animate it, the commanders of these 
squadrons have encroached on our jurisdiction ; siezed our 
vessels and carried into efiect impressments within our lim- 
its, and done other acts of great injustice, violence and op- 



[b] appendix. 423 

pressioii. The United States linvc seen, with feelings of 
mingled indignation and surprise, that these acts, instead of 
procuring to the perpetrators the punishment due to their 
crimes, have not failed to recommend them to the favor of 
their government. 

Whether the British government has contributed by 
active measures to exercise against us the hostility of the 
savage tribes on our frontiers, your committee are not dis- 
posed to occupy much time in investigating. Certain indi- 
cations of general notoriety may supply the place of authen- 
tic documents ; though these have not been wanting to es- 
tablish the fact in some instances. It is known that symp- 
toms of British hostility towards the United States have 
never failed to produce corresponding symptoms among 
those tribes. It is also well known that, on all such .occa- 
Bions, abundant supplies of the ordinary munitions of war 
have been aflorded by the agents of British commercial 
companies, and even from British garrisons, wherewith they 
were enabled to commence that system of savage warfare 
on our frontier which has been, at all times, indiscriminate 
in its effects on all ages, sexes and conditions, and so revolt- 
ing to humanity. 

Your committee would be much gratified if they could 
close here the detail of British aggressions ; but it is their 
duty to recite another act of still greater malignity than any 
of those which have been already brought to your view. 
The attempt to dismember our Union and overthrow our 
excellent constitution by a secret mission, the object of 
which was to foment discontents, and excite insurrection 
against the constituted authorities and laws of the nation, 
as lately disclosed by the agent employed in it, afford." full 



424 APPENDIX. [b] 

proof that there is no bound to the hostility of the British 
government towards the United States — no act, however 
unjustifiable, which it would not commit to accomplish 
their ruin. This attempt excites the greater honor from 
the consideration that it was made while the United States 
and Great Britain were at peace, and an amicable negotia- 
tion was depending between them for the accommodation 
of their differences, through public ministers, regularly 
authorized for the purpose. 

The United States have beheld, with unexampled for- 
bearance, this continued series of hostile encroachments on 
their rights and interests, in the hope that yielding to the 
force of friendly remonstrances, often repeated, the British 
government might adopt a more just policy towards them; 
but that hope no longer exists. They have also weighed 
impartially the reasons which have been urged by the Brit- 
ish government in vindication of these encroachments, and 
found in them neither justification or apology. 

The British government has alleged, in vindication of 
the orders in council, that they were resorted to as a retal- 
iation on France, for similar aggressions committed by her 
on our neutral trade with the British dominions. But how 
has this plea been supported ? The dates of all British and 
French aggressions are well known to the world. Their 
origin and progress have been marked with too wide and 
destructive a waste of the property of our fellow-citizens to 
have been forgotten. The decree of Berlin, of November 
21st, 1806, was the first aggression of France in the pres- 
ent war. Eighteen months had then elapsed, after the at- 
tack made by Great Britain on our neutral trade, with the 
colonies of France and her allies, and six months from the 



[b] appendix. 425 

date of iho proclamation of May, 1800. Even on the 7th 
January, 18U7, tlio date of the first British order in coun- 
cil, so short a time had elapsed after the Berlin decree, that 
it was hardly possible that the intelligence of it should have 
reached the United States. A retaliation which is to pro- 
duce its efifect, by operating on a neutral power, ought not 
to be resorted to till the neutral had justified it by a culpa- 
ble acquiescence in the unlawful act of the other belligerent. 
It ought to be delayed until after sufiicient time had been 
allowed to the neutral to remonstrate against the measure 
complained of to receive an answer, and to act on it, which 
had not been done in the present instance ; and when the 
order of November 11th was issued, it is well known that a 
minister of France had declared to the minister plenipoten- 
tiary of the United States at Paris, that it was not intended 
that the decree of Berlin should apply to the United States. 
It is equally well known that no American vessel had then 
been condemned under it, or seizure been made. The facts 
prove incontestibly that the measures of France, however 
unjustifiably in themselves, were nothing more than a pre- 
text for those of England. And of the insufficiency of that 
pretext, ample proof has already been afforded by the British 
government itself, and in the most impressive form, al- 
tkoufih it has declared that the orders in council were retal- 
iatory on France for her decrees. It was also declared, and 
in the orders themselves, that owing to the superiority of 
the British navy, by which the fleets of France and her 
allies were confined within her own ports, the French decrees 
were considered only as empty threats. 

It is no justification of the wrongs of one power, that 
the like were committed by another; nor ought the fact, if 
36* 



426 APPENDIX. [b] 

true, to have been urged by either, as it could afford no 
proof of its love of justice, of its magnanimity, or even 
of its courage. It is more worthy the government of a 
great nation to relieve than to assail the injured. JNor can a 
repetition of the wrongs by another power repair the violated 
rights or wounded honor of the injured party. An utter 
inability alone to resist would justify a quiet surrender of 
our rights, and degrading submission to the will of others. 
To that condition the United States are not reduced, nor do 
they fear it. That, they ever consented to discuss with 
either power the misconduct of the other, is a proof of their 
love of peace, of their moderation, and of the hope which 
they still indulged, that friendly appeals to just and gener- 
ous sentiment would not be made to them in vain. But 
the motive was mistaken, if their forbearance was imputed, 
either to the want of a just sensibility to their wrongs, or 
of a determination, if suitable redress was not obtained, to 
resent them. The time has now arrived when this system 
of reasoning must cease. It would be insulting to repeat 
it; it would be degrading to hear it. The United States 
must act as an independent nation, and assert their rights ■ 
and avenge their ivrongs, according to their own estimate 
of them, with the party who commits them, holding it 
responsible for its own misdeeds unmitigated by those of 
another. 

For the difference made between Great Britain and 
France, by the application of the non-importation act 
against England only, the motive has been already too often 
explained, and is too well known to require further illustra- 
tion. In the commercial restrictions to which the United 
States resorted as an evidence of their sensibility, and a 



[b] ArrENDix. 427 

mild retaliation of tbcir wrongs, thoy invariably placed both 
powers on the same footing, holding to each, iu rei-ipeut to 
itself, the same aeeouimod.itit)n, in case it accepted the con- 
dition ofiercd ; and in respect to the other, the same rc- 
Btrainr, if it refused. Had the British government con- 
firmed the arrangement which was entered into with tho 
British minister in 1S09, and France maintained her de- 
crees, would the United States have had to resist, with 
the firmness belonging to their character, the continued 
violation of their rights ? The committee do not hesitate to 
declare that France has greatly injured the United States, and 
that satisfactory reparation has not yet been made for many 
of those injuries; but that is a concern which the United 
States will look to and settle for themselves. The high 
character of the American people is a sufl&cient pledge to 
the world, that they will not fail to settle it on conditions 
•which they have a right to claim. 

More recently, the true policy of the British government 
towards the United States has been completely unfolded. 
It has been publicly declared by those in powTr that the 
orders in council should not be repealed until the French 
government had revoked all its internal restraints on the 
British commerce, and that the trade of the United States 
I with France and her allies should be prohibited until Great 
j Britain was also allowed to trade with them. By this 
i declaration, it appears, that to satisfy the pretensions of the 
1 British government, the United States must join Great 
I Britain in the war with France, and prosecute the war until 
! France should be subdued, for without her subjugation it 
; were in vain to presume on such a concession. The hostil- 
ity of the British government to these States has been still 



428 APPENDIX. [b] 

further disclosed. It has been made manifest that the 
United States are considered by it as the commercial rival 
of Great Britain, and that their prosperity and growth are 
incompatible with her welfare. When all these circum- 
stances are taken into consideration, it is impossible for your 
committee to doubt the motives which have governed the 
British ministry in all its measures towards the United 
States since the year 1805. Equally is it impossible to 
doubt, longer, the course which the United States ought to 
pursue towards Great Brit<ain. 

From this view of the multiplied wrongs of the British 
government, since the commencement of the present war, it 
must be evident to the impartial ivorld that the contest 
which is now forced on the United States is radically a 
contest for their sovereignty and independence. Your com- 
mittee will not enlarge on any of the injuries, however 
great, which have had a transitory effect. They wish to 
call the attention of the House to those of a parliamentary 
nature only, which intrench so deeply on our most import- 
ant rights, and wound so extensively and vitally our best 
interests, as could not fail to deprive the United States of 
the principal advantages of their revolution, if submitted 
to. The control of our commerce by Great Britain in reg- 
ulating at pleasure, and expelling it almost from the ocean ; 
the oppressive manner in which these regulations have been 
carried into effect, by seizing and confiscating such of our 
vessels, with their cargoes, as were said to have violated her 
edicts, often without previous warning of their danger; the 
impressment of our citizens from on board our own vessels, 
on the high seas, and elsewhere, and holding them in bond- 
age until it suited the convenience of these oppressors to 



[b] APrENPTX. 429 

deliver them up, arc encroachments of that high and dan- 
gerous tendency which could not fail to produce tliat perni- 
cious effect, nor would those be the only consequences that 
would result from it. The IJritish government might for a 
while be satisfied with the ascendancy thus gained over us, 
but its pretensions would soon increase. The proof which 
so complete and disgraceful a submission to its authority 
would afford of our degeneracy, could not fail to inspire 
confidence that there was no limit to which its usurpations 
and our degradations might not be carried. 

Your committee believing that the frccborn sons of 
America are worthy to enjoy the liberty which their fathers 
purchased at the price of much blood and treasure, and see- 
ing, in the measures adopted by Great Britain, a course 
commenced and persisted in which might lead to a loss of 
national character and independence, feel no hesitation in 
advising resistance by force, in which the Americans of the 
present day will prove to the enemy and to the world that 
we have not only inherited that liberty which our fathers 
gave us, but also the v:Ul and pozc'er to maintain it. Rcly- 
\n<T on the patriotism of the nation, and confidently trusting 
that the Lord of Hosts will go with us to battle in a right- 
eous cause, and crown our efforts with success — your com- 
mittee recommend an immediate appeal ij ARMS. 



AN ACT 

Declaring War bettceen (he United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ire- 
land, and the dependencies thereof, and the United States of America 
and their territories. 

Be it enacted hy the Senate and House of Representa- 
tives of the United States in Cowjress assembled, That 



430 APPENDIX. [b] 

WAR be, and the same is hereby declared to exist, between 
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Irehind and the 
dependencies thereof, and the United States of America 
and their territories ; and that the President of the United 
States be, and he is, hereby authorized to use the whole land 
and naval force of the United States, to carry the same into 
effect, and to issue to private armed vessels of the United 
States commissions, or letters of marque and general repri- 
sals, in such form as he shall think proper, and under the 
seal of the United States, against the vessels, goods and 
effects of the government of the same United Kingdom of 
Great Britain and Ireland, and of the subjects thereof. 

June 18, 1812. 

Approved, — James Madison. 

On the final passage of the act in the Senate, the vote 
was 19 to 13 — in the House 79 to 49. 



By the President of the United States of America. 

A PROCLAMATION. 

Whereas the Congress of the United States, by virtue 
of the constituted authority vested in them, have declared 
by their act, bearing date the 18th day of the present month, 
that war exists between the United Kingdom of Great Bri- 
tain and Ireland, and the dependencies thereof, and the 
United States of America and their territories : Now, 
therefore, I, James Madison, President of the United 
States of America, do hereby proclaim the same to all whom 
it may concern ; and I do especially enjoin on all persons 
holding office; civil or military, under the authority of the 



[b] appendix. 431 

United States, that ihcy be vigilant and zealous in dis- 
tharging the duties respectively incident thereto: and I 
do moreover exhort all the good people of the United States, 
as they love their country, — as they value the precious her- 
itage derived from the virtue and valor of their fathers, — as 
they feel the wrongs which have forced on them the last re- 
sort of injured nations, — and as they consult the best means 
under the blessings of Divine Providence, of abridging its 
calamities, — that they exert themselves in preserving order, 
in promoting concord, in maintaining the authority and the 
efficacy of the laws, and in supporting and invigorating all 
the measures which may be adopted by the constituted au- 
thorities, for obtaining a speedy, a just, and an honorable 
peace. 

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand, 
L. S. and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed 

to these presents. 
Done at the City of Washington the nineteenth day of June 
one thousand eight hundred and twelve, and of the In- 
dependence of the United States the thirty-sixth. 

(Signed) James Madison, President. 

(Signed) James Monroe, Secretari/ of State. 



GENERAL GEORGE ROGERS CLARK. 
This gentleman, though his history has never yet been 
TOtten, was undoubtedly one of the most eminent men and 

I purest patriots the country has ever produced, fruitful as it 
has been in great men and disinterested patriots. And for 
decision, energy, forethought, good sense and intrepidity, 



432 APPENDIX. [C] 

he will compare favorably with any general of the Revolu- 
tionary War. In the West he was one of the best, if not 
the best^ soldier that ever led an army against the savage 
force. He has been esteemed, too, the most extraordinary 
military genius which Virginia, of which State he was a 
native, has ever produced, although the field of his opera- 
tions was the remote wilderness of the West. Judge Hall, 
a biographer of General Harrison, declares him to have 
been a man of extraordinary talents and energy of charac- 
ter, and possessed of a military genius, which enabled him 
to plan with consummate wisdom, and to execute his designs 
with decision and promptitude. 

His great mind readily comprehended the situation of 
the country, and he made himself acquainted with the topo- 
graphy of the whole region and the localities of the ene- 
mies forts, as well as the strength of their forces. He 
possessed the rare faculty of penetrating the designs of his 
antagonist, thus becoming informed of the actual condition 
and movements of the enemy. He could therefore deduce 
his subsequent operations and his ulterior designs, and 
hence was enabled to anticipate and defeat all his plans and 
movements before they were matured. In the execution 
of his plans, his movements were made with such precision 
and celerity, and conducted with such consummate judg- 
ment, that success was always doubly ensured. General 
Washington entertained the highest opinion of his charac- 
ter, talents and military genius, and long hesitated whether 
he would appoint him or " Mad" Anthony Wayne to the 
command of the army designed to chastise the north-western 
Indians after the defeat of General St. Clair. He only se- 
lected General Wayne because he was compelled to make a 



[C] AITKNDIX. 4 .03 

choice bctwern tlicni — not because lie believed cither pos- 
sessed superior qualifications or claims as a general. 

General Clark, it has already been stated, was a native 
of A'irnjinia, and was born in 171*2. Tn his personal ap- 
pearance he was commanding and dignifK-d, and was well 
calculated to attract attention. His personal appearance 
was rendered particularly agreeable by the manliness of his 
deportment, the intelligence of his conversation, and, above 
all, by the vivacity of his manners and the boldness of his 
spirit for enterprise. 

Early in the Revolutionary War, while a private citi- 
zen, holding no commission, civil or military, he distin- 
guished himself by his efforts to protect the frontier settle- 
ments of Virginia and Xorth Carolina against the incursions 
of the Indians. He led the pirty which made the first set- 
tlement at the falls of the Ohio, where an improvement 
was commenced, from which the splendid, flourishing and 
wealthy city of Louisville has grown up. 

General Clark was the leading commissioner in negoti- 
ating a treaty between the United States and the chiefs and 
warriors of the Shawanee nation, including a part of the 
Delawares, at the mouth of the big 3Iiami, in January, 
1786, by which the United States were acknowledged to be 
the sole and absolute sovereigns of all the territory ceded 
by the treaty of peace with Great Britain, in 1783. 

This treaty was negotiated at Fort Washington, where 
there were, at the time, a garrison of only seventy troops. 
All the Indians in council appeared peaceable, except three 
hundred Shawaneese, whose chief made a boisterous speech, 
and then placed on the table his belt of black and white 
w impuin, to indicate that he was prepared for peace or war. 
87 



\ 



434: APPENDIX. [C] 

This act of daring and defiance of their chief was applauded 
by the three hundred Shawaneese warriors, by one of 
their terriffic war-whoops. At the table sat Commissary- 
General Clark and General Richard Butler. Nowise intim- 
idated by this war-like demonstration, General Clark with 
his cane coolly pushed the wampum from the table, and 
then rising, as the savages muttered their indignation, he 
trampled the belt under his feet, and with a voice of author- 
ity ordered them instantly to quit the hall. His boldness, 
assumed superiority, and disregard of the savage threat, had 
such an effect upon them that they returned the next day 
and sued for peace. 

After the massacre of Wyoming, in 1778, he took com- 
mand of a body of troops designed to operate against the 
Indians, and to protect the frontiers against their murderous 
incursions. His vigilance extended to the borders along 
and near the Monongahela and southward to the Kanhawa. 
In that year he superintended the construction of Fort Fin- 
castle, afterwards Fort Henry, for the protection of the in- 
habitants in the vicinity of Wheeling Creek, as well as 
other settlements north and south of that point, near the 
Ohio River. His expedition to the Mississippi, in the same 
year, with the view of taking possesion of it on behalf of 
Virginia, was conducted with so much skill, judgment and 
boldness as to give him a rank amongst the first military 
men of his day. 

A¥hen the commonwealth of Virginia sent him a colo- 
nel's commission, accompanied with a warrant to raise a 
regiment of volunteers, and for that purpose to make con- 
tracts on the credit of the State, they did not furnish him 
w^ith funds for that purpose, but left him to procure them 



[o] ArrKNDix. 435 

in the best way lie couUl, eitlier on tlicir credit or on his 
own. Yet siu h was his perseverance and ener/xy, and ho 
uuhonnded was his eonfidenee in the honor of his native 
State, and sucli was liis itiflncnee with the people of the 
West, wlio Vuvw liis bravery and military talents, that he 
soon raised a re^dment of hardy Kentnekians, whom ho 
inspired with his own spirit; and having atlaehed tiirm 
Trarmly to his person, led them to the ^Mississippi, and eap- 
tiired the posts at Kaskaskia and Cahokia. Th;- inliabifants 
of those villages, on receiving a promise of protection, took 
the oath of alle^riance to the United States. 

At the same time Governor Hamilton was at Fort "\'in- 
cennes, making his arrangements to capture Clark and his 
band of heroes, which he expected to accomplish with but 
little difficulty. He was aware, however, of Hamilton's 
purpose, and also of the danger of his own situation, and 
determined to anticipate his enemy. Having left a sufficient 
number of men to ensure the safety of the conquests he 
had already made, he proceeded with the residue by a forced 
march through swamps and quagmires to the Wabash, 
where he arrived without the loss of a man, though the 
country was so flooded that they were sometimes compelled 
to swim. The advance of the troops was so arranged as to 
bring them to the village before the dawn of day, and before 
the governor was advised of their movement from the Mis- 
sissippi. The consequence was, the post was carried by 
etorm, and the governor and his troops made pri.soncrs of 
war. The expedition was not excelled in difficulty and 
suffering, or in daring courage, by the memorable march of 
Arnold to Quebec, in 1775. 

General Clark, in starting on the enterprise against 



436 APPENDIX. [C] 

Kaskaskia and Cahokia, embarked with liis regiment at the 
Falls, and descended the Ohio to some point not far from 
the mouth of the Wabash, where he landed a part of his 
men ; and, having ordered the residue to proceed with the 
boats and bassao-e to the mouth of the Ohio, and thence to 
Kaskaskia, proceeded across the country by the most direct 
route to the same place. When he arrived in sight of the 
village, the inhabitants were as much surprised as if they 
had seen him descend from the clouds. As the provisions 
brought in the knapsacks of his men were nearly exhausted, 
and many days must elapse before the arrival of his boats, 
he was admonished to act promptly and without delay. 

For the purpose of magnifying his force in the estima- 
tion of the town and garrison, as soon as he came in sight 
he ordered his men to march in such a circuitous manner 
that the formation of the intervening ground led the enemy 
to see and count them twice or thrice, without discovering 
the deception. He then halted, and with a part of his men 
and a flag, advanced to the fort, and demanded an immedi- 
ate surrender, on the penalty of receiving no quarter in 
case of a refusal. The inhabitants at once submitted. The 
commandant of the fort, in the surprise of the moment, 
followed the example, and surrendered the garrison prison- 
ers of war without firing a gun. Having thus captured 
Kaskaskia, he proceeded to Cahokia, thirty miles distant, 
which surrendered at once. 

These conquests were achieved before the arrival of the 
boats, and were immediately made known to the British 
governor of Vincennes, by some friend, who stated at the 
same time, the diminutive force by which the object was 
accomplished. The governor immediately projected a plan 



[c] APprxDix. 437 

to surprise the Americans, and ro-takc the posts. In the 
meantime tlie boats arrived with (lie residue of tlie reiri- 
ment, when General Clark, leaving a suthcient number of 
men to retain the posts he had captured, ujarched withont 
loss of time to Vincennes. Having wa(h:d through mud 
and water for several days, he approached the Wabasli River, 
which was so flooded that his men were fn (juently up to their 
arm-pits in water; yet they were not disheartened, nor did 
their devotion to their heroic leader in the least degree 
abate until Vincennes, its garrison and governor, were in 
their hands, as already seen. 

General Clark succeeded in retaining military possession 
of that extensive country till the close of the war of the 
revolution, and by that moans secured it to the United States. 
The fact is well known that in arranging the articles of the 
treaty of peace, at Paris, the British commissioners insisted 
on the Ohio Kiver as part of the northern boundary of tlio 
United States, and that the Count de Vergennes favored 
that claim. It appears also from the diplomatic correspond- 
ence on that subject, that the only tenable ground on which 
the American commissioners relied to sustain their claim to 
the lakes, as the boundary, was the fact that General 
Clark had conquered the country, and was in tha undisputed 
military possession of it at the time of the negotiation. 
That fact was affirmed and admitted, and was the chief 
ground on which the British commissioners reluctantly 
abandoned their pretensions. \ 

These, however, are only a few of the many great and 
valuable services rendered his country by this noble-minded 
man and true-hearted soldier. And all this was accom- 
plished, too, almost literally on his own credit, and by his 
37* 



438 APPENDIX. [C] 

own unaided enterprise. Virginia neither sent him money 
nor means when she sent him a commission, with permission 
to raise men and money as he might be able. The State 
having no -Credit, he was compelled to rely solely on his own 
efforts to raise and equip troops, and to feed and clothe them 
during the term of their service, which continued to the 
end of the war. The task was a herculean one, and few 
other men could have accomplished it. Nothing but the 
most devoted attachment to the country could have prompted 
him to undertake it, and to persevere as he did -, and, at all 
events, nothing else could have prompted him to persevere 
in his patriotic labors after the indignities to which he was 
constantly subjected. 

Though holding conclusive evidence of the authority 
upon which he acted from the legislature of Virginia, his 
drafts upon that State in favor of those who had advanced 
means to enable him to equip, feed and clothe his troops, 
were dishonored, and for reasons, too, of the most humilia- 
ting character ; but even this did not shake his purpose, or 
induce him for a moment to relax his patriotic efforts. As 
his difficulties multiplied, his resolution gained strength ; 
and when his credit failed, and he was cut off from every 
other resource, he resolved to sustain his troops, and pre- 
serve his conquests, by the strong arm of power. 

After weighing all the consequences both to himself and 
his country, he resorted to force loans, and by that hazard- 
.-ous expedient accomplished the object nearest his heart, 
which was the preservation of his conquests until the close 
of the war. He issued an order, as commandant of the 
roo-iment, directed to two or three of his officers, command- 
iii;^ them to enter on the premises of the persons designated 



[o] ArriiNDix. i:][) 

In the order, rciiuestcd the i»r<»i>orty there found, ;iiid re- 
move it to the puhlic store, for the exclusive use of the 
troops. An exaet inveutorj and can fnl valuation of tho 
property was ordered to be niad«', that the amount mij/lit be 
made good by the legislature of \'irginia. IJy this expedi- 
ent, and this only, be was enabled to maintain the posts he 
bad concjuered on tbe Mississippi and the ^\'abash till the 
termination of the war, and thus save to tbe nation the 
vast territory lying between the Ohio lliver and the lakes. 

The persons whose property was sold under this order 
of General Clark, commenced suit against bim, obtained 
judgments, and portions of bis own private property were 
sold to satisfy these demands contracted for the exclusive 
benefit of tbe country. After tbe close of the war tbe leg- 
islature of Virginia made an appropriation of one hundred 
and fifty thousand acres of land lying on tbe Ohio Jliver, 
opposite to Louisville, for the use of the officers and soldiers 
of General Clark's regiment ; but at that day it was of but 
very little value, and was long since disposed of at mere 
nominal prices. 

Thus it appears that one of the most distinguished and 
valuable officers of tbe revolution, who bad performed ser- 
vices of tbe most incalculable importance, was not only 
treat<jd with cold neglect, but was subjected to the pavment 
of debts and claims incurred for the support of bis troops, 
to a very large amount. Tlie cruel ingratitude to which he 
was doomed, for which no justifiable cause can be assigned, 
and tbe comparative poverty whieb made him almost a pen- 
sioner on the bounty of his relatives, was more than be 
could bear. 

A jx'rson familiar witb the lives aJid character of tbe 



440 APPENDIX. [C] 

military veterans of Rome, in the days of her greatest power, 
might readily have selected this remarkable man as a speci- 
men of the model he had formed of them in his own mind. 
But he has fallen a victim to his extreme sensibility, and 
to the ingratitude of his native State, under whose banner 
he had fought so bravely, and with such eminent success. 
But the time must come when the people of Louisville and 
of his native State, at least, will render the debt of grati- 
tude they owe to the memory of this distinguished man, 
however forgetful the nation may be of his eminent services. 
It is a reproach upon the character of his native State, that 
she will not easily rid herself of; and never, except by a 
full and ample atonement for the base ingratitude done to 
this most worthy son. 

The above particulars of the life of General Clark are 
principally taken from Burnet's Notes on the North-western 
Territory, and Monette's Valley of the Mississippi. With 
the example of such an uncle before him, it is not very 
strange that Colonel Croghan should hnoio hoio to fight. 
The sketch, meager as it is, compared with his pre-eminent 
merits, it is thought will be found interesting, and fully to 
justif}'- general reference to him. It is only to be regretted 
that one who has done so much for his country could . not 
have found a biographer worthy his deeds and his fame. 
This evil should have been corrected long since. The life 
of scarcely any man in America would be found more re- 
plete with sterling and brilliant events than that of George 
Rogers Clark, or to afford a brighter example for the imita- 
tion of the rising generation. 



{ 



[d] ArPF.NDIX. (441 

GENERAL JIAKUISONS DEATH AND lUIlIAL. 

The following dotailed account of Gcnonil Harrison's 
last illness and burial was compiled j»riiiei|)ally from the 
Washington '' Intelligencer" and *' Madisonian," and the 
New York " Observer." It will undoubtedly possess a 
permanent interest as a chapter in the history of the times, 
long after the generation in which the melanrholy event to 
which it refers shall have passed away. The general par- 
ticulars of his death have been elsewhere given. 

ACCOUNT OF THE PRESIDENT'S LAST HOURS. 

Saturday, 1 o'clock, P. M. — Dr. Alexander of Balti- 
more has just visited the President's chamber, and pro- 
nounces him better, giving all his friends reason to indulge 
in hope. The good news spreads all over the city with joy- 
ful alacrity. 

2 o'clock. — The favorable symptoms continue. 

3 o'clock. — The symptoms are becoming alarming; a 
diarrhea is threatened. 

Half-past 3 o'clock. — The alarm of General Harrison's 
friends arc very great : the symptoms grow worse, and his 
casj becomes more dangerous than ever. The medical men 
begin to doubt, if not to despair, and to speak in a manner 
and tone that hardly give us hope. 

4 o'clock. — The news of increased danger flics over the 
city, and all are inquiring, and in all directions. 

5 o'clock. — The President wanders, and is at times quite 
insensible. All his symptoms are worse. His family hang- 
ing in anxiety over his bedside, his physician? watching 



442 APPENDIX. [1^] 

every motion. His diarrhea grows worse, and leaves hardly 
a hope, so rapidly does it prostrate his strength. 

6 o'clock. — The members of the Cabinet have been 
summoned to the President's; Mr. Granger just gave the 
alarm to his associates. The symptoms all worse. His 
physicians give him up. The dreadful report fills all with 
consternation. The danger of losing the good and venera- 
ble man now breaks fully upon us all. 

10 o'clock. — Keports from the sick chamber for the last 
four hours have all been worse. The pulse beats feebler 
and feebler every minute. His flesh has become cold and 
clammy. During this time, General Harrison has spoken 
his last words, after which he fell into a state of insensibil- 
ity. At a quarter of nine, Dr. Worthington at his bedside, 
he said (and it is presumed he was addressing Governor 
Tyler),— 

Sir, — I WISH you to understand the true princi- 
ples OF the government. I WISH THEM CARRIED OUT. 
I ASK NOTHING MORE. 

This is the dying injunction of the good old man, made, 
Dr. Worthington says, in a strong tone of voice. 

All the members of the Cabinet, except Mr. Badger, 
for three hours past, have been in a chamber near the Pres- 
ident's sick room. Their spirits, of course, are sadly de- 
pressed by this melancholy event, but they are preparing 
for the mournful duty that devolves upon them. 

11 o'clock. — The President yet lingers. The White 
House has been thronged b}^ citizens of all classes, fearfully 
inquiring into the President's health. He is insensible, 
feeble indeed, and no one now indulges in hope. All prep- 
arations are making as for a man already dead. The con- 



[l»] AI'l'KNDIX. 443 

sfJations of roliglou have all aloii<r been adininiHtiTt'd. llo 
has been calm, and niaiiifrstcd no frar of dratli. The ph}*- 
sioians aro ju>t usiiiL' tlic la.st rcnicdiis lb- ir .skill (U'vIm's, 
but with no hojx* of any favorabli' result. 

1*2^ o'eloek. — CJeneral liarrison has just l)n'.ithc(l Ins 
last, and without a strug<;le. .He has been insensible f.-r a 
long while, and the last words he spoke were to Dr. W..r- 
thinirton. ]NIost anxious and d«vply alTeetcd frimds are 
weeping around his chamber. What a dreadful blow has 
struck the land ! 

1 o'clock, A. M. — The members of the Cabinet, after 
performing their last mournful duties to the departed Pres- 
ident, are preparing a letter to the Vice President, announc- 
ing the fact officially. The chief clerk of the State Depart- 
ment, Fletcher Webster, Esq., is dispatched with it, and 
he will reach Mr. Tyler by Monday noon, who will proba- 
bly be here Wednesday or Thursday the latest. 

OFFICIAL LETTER TO THE VICE-PRESIDENT. 

Washington, April 4, 1841. 

" To John Tyler, Vice President of the United States. 

" Sir : — It has become our most painful duty to inform 
you that William Henry Harrison, late President of 
the United States, has departed this life. 

" This distressing event took place this day, at the Pres- 
ident's mansion in this cit}^, at thirty minutes before one in 
the morning. 

" We lose no time in dispatching the chief clerk in the 
State Department, as a special messenger, to beai- you these 
melancholy tidings. 



444 APPENDIX. [d] 

'' We liave the honor to be, with the highest regard, 
your obedient servants, 

Daniel Webster, Sec'ry of State. 
Thos. Ewing, Sec'rj of the Treasury. 
John Bell, Sec'ry of War. 
i John J. Crittenden, Attorney-General. 

Francis Granger, Postmaster-Gen.'^ 

ARRANGEMENTS FOR THE FUNERAL. 

Washington, April 4, 1841. 

The circumstances in which we are placed by the death 
of the President render it indispensable for us, in the recess 
of Congress and in the absence of the Vice-President, to 
make arrangements for the funeral solemnities. Having 
consulted with the family and personal friends of the de- 
ceased, we have concluded that the funeral be solemnized 
on Wednesday, the 7th instant, at 12 o'clock. The reli- 
gious services to be performed according to the usages of 
the Episcopal Church, in which church the deceased usually 
worshiped. The body is to be taken from the President's 
House to the Congress Burying Ground, accompanied by a 
military and civic procession, and deposited in the receiv- 
ing tomb. 

The military arrangements to be under the direction of 
Major-General Macomb, the General Commanding in Chief 
of the Army of the United States, and Major-General Wal- 
ter Jones, of the Militia of the District of Columbia. 

Commodore Morris, the Senior Captain in the Navy 
now in the city, to have the direction of the naval arrange- 
ment^ 



M APrKNDix. 445 

The Marshal of tho District to have the diroction of the 
civic procession, assisted hy the .Mayors of Washington, 
Georgetown, and Alexandria, the Clerk of the Suprmio 
Court of the United States, and such other citizens as tliey 
may sec fit to call to their aid. 

John Quincy Adams, ex-President of the United Suites, 
IMombers of Congress now in the city or its neighborimod, 
all the members of the Diplomatic body resident in Wash- 
ington, all officers of government, and citizens generally, 
are invited to attend. 

And it is respectfully recommended to the officers of 
government that they wear the usual badge of mourning. 

Daniel Webster, Sec'ry of State 

Tnos. EwiNO, Sec'ry of the Treasury. 

JouN Bell, Sec'ry of War. 

John J. Crittenden, Attorney-General. 

Francls Granger, Postmaster-General. 

ARRIVAL OF THE VICE-PRESIDENT. 

At 12 o'clock, all the Heads of Departments, except the 
Secretary of the Navy (who has not yet returned to the 
city, from his visit to his family), waited upon the Vice- 
President to pay him their official and personal respects. 
They were received with all the politeness and kindness 
which characterized the new President. lie signified his 
deep feeling of the public calamity sustained by the death 
of President Harrison, and expressed his profound sensi- 
bility of the heavy responsibilities so suddenly devolved 
upon himself. He spoke of the present state of things 
with great concern and seriousness, and made known his 
wishes that the several Heads of Departments would con- 
38 



r 



446 APPENDIX. [d] 

tiiiiio to fill the places which they now respectively occupy, 
tiiid his confidence that they would afi*ord all the aid in their 
power to enable him to carry on the administration of the 
government successfully. 

The President then took and subscribed the following 
oath of ofi&ce : 

I do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the 
office of President of the United States, and will, to the 
best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend, the Con- 
stitution of the United States. John Tyler. 

April 6, 1841. 



Sss. 



District of Columbia, 
City and County of Washington^ 

I, William Cranch, Chief Justice of the Circuit Court 
of the District of Columbia, certify that the above-named 
John Tyler personally appeared before me this day, and, 
although he deems himself C{ualified to perform the duties 
and exercise the powers and Dffice of the President on the 
death of William Henry Harrison, late President of 
the United States, without any other oath than that which 
he has taken as Yice-Presideat, yet, as doubts may arise, 
and for greater caution, took and subscribed the foregoing 
oath before me. W. Crancii. 

April 6, 1811. 

FUNERAL CEREMONIES. 

It was not until Wednesday, that the full force of the 
bereavement was felt by the public mind, when to all who 
about five weeks be-fore had witnessed the spectacle of the 
inauguration, there was now presented the very difierent 
spectacle of a funeral — and the funeral of that very inaug- 



[h] aiii:m>ix. 417 

urated Chief Magistrato. 'J'lio day itself — tho olouds cov- 
ering the heavens — resembk'd the Fourth of ^darcli. Tlio 
numorous flags at lialf-niast, and hung with crape, met the 
eye wherever it wa,s turned ; whih' the car was sahited witli 
the deep thunder of heavy cannon, as at sliort int<Tvals tlio 
melancholy sound came .tlirough the air. The stream of 
human beings continued to pour into the city from all (piar- 
ters until 12 o'clock, and although it was supposed all the 
States of the Union sent the materials that constituted tho 
host at the Inauguration, there seemed really to be as many 
to-day in the city as on the Fourth of March. 

At sunrise the sound of cannon from the several mili- 
tary stations in the vicinity of the city heralded the melan- 
choly occasion which was to assemble the citizens of tho 
district and its neighborhood, and minute guns were fired 
during the morning. In entire consonance with those 
mournful sounds was the aspect of tho whole city, as wel? 
its dwi'llings as its population. The buildings on each side 
of the entire len";th of the Pennsvlvauia avenue, with 
scarcely an exception, and many Leases on the contiguous 
streets, were hung with festoor-- and streamers of black, 
not only about the signs and . utrances, but in many cases 
from all the upper stories. Almost every private dwelling 
had crape upon the knocker and bell-handle of its door, and 
many of the very humblest abodes hung out some sponta- 
neous signal of the general sorrow. The stores and places 
of business, even such as are too frequently seen open on 
the Sabbath, were all closed. Everything like business 
seemed to have been forgotten, and all minds to be occupied 
with the purpose of the day. The great point of attraction 
was the President's Mansion. Toward that, all tteps, all 



\ 



448 APPENDIX. [d] 

tlioughts were tending. The northern portico of the Man- 
sion was hung with long banners of black, extending from 
column to column. The iron gates of the enclosure in front 
were closed, save when the Foreign Ministers, Members of 
the Cabinet, the attending Physicians, the Clergy, the Judi- 
ciary and ladies, were admitted, preparatory to their taking 
the places assigned them in the funeral procession. 

At the entrance of the Mansion, the dressings of black 
presented themselves on every side, descending from the 
lofty ceiling to the floor. The great chandelier, with the 
immense mirrors of the east room, and other articles of 
furniture, were enveloped in the sable symbols ; while in 
the centre of the room reposed the illustrious dead — the 
body being contained in a coffin covered with rich silk vel- 
vet, over which was thrown the pall of similar material. 
Under the lid of the coffin was a glass, through which could 
be seen the face of the late President. The expression was 
calm and natural : his white hair lying close to his head, and 
his features regular and peaceful, as if they had been quietly 
composed to their last long sleep. It was impossible to es- 
cape contrasting this moveless repose of death with the 
incessani activity of the living individual, when receiving 
the visits of the people, or transacting business with those 
who called. What little of form or ceremony remained 
about the Government was extinguished by the late Presi- 
dent. 

The first semi-circle around the coffin was composed of 
about forty clergymen of diflerent denominations in and 
near the district. Opposite to these, encircling the head 
of the coffin, sat the Vice-President and the Cabinet, except 
Mr. Badger; who had gone to North Carolina. On the 



[i>] ArPENDix. 449 

left of the Cabinet were Messrs. Forsyth, Poinsntt nnd 
Paulding, also ]Mr. Adams. In tiicir roar Pat the Forci^rn 
Ministers, in their gor<;c()US drcsf^es of gold and silver hue, 
stars, epaulets and other insignia peculiar to monarchical 
governments, and strongly contrasting with the severe sim- 
plicity of all around, especially the i^impllcid/ of ,lcitih. 
Immediately behind the clergy were the mourners, about 
fifteen or twenty in number, deluding the "• faithful womer.," 
who " did what they could'' to minister to the last wants of 
their departed relative and friend. The next semi-circle was 
composed of the attending and consulting physicians, and 
the twenty -four pall-bearers, all with white sashes. Oflicers 
of the government of various grades, ladies and others, who 
had the privilege of admission, filled the room, which was 
not crowded, the thousands of the people being outsiile even 
the gates of the great front lawn, and maintaining the most 
profound stillness and exemplar}' order. In fact, the pop- 
ulation had, as if by common consent, extended itself in 
very equal masses along the whole distance of a mile and 
a half from'the 3Iansion to the Capitol. The pa.ssage-way 
within the spacious front lawn was filled with mourning- 
coaches, in waiting for the Family Mourners, the Cabinet, 
the Clergy, Members of Congress, Foreign Ministers, &c. 

At half-past 11 o'clock, the Rev. Mr. Ilawley, Hector 
of St. John's Church, arose, and observed that he would 
mention an incident connected with the Bible which lay on 
the table before him (covered with black silk velvet). 
'•'This Bible," said he, ''was purchased by the President 
on the 5th of March. He has since been in the habit of 
daily reading it. He was accustomed not only to attend 
church, but to join audibly- in the church seniee, and to 
38* 



450 APPENDIX. [d] 

kneel before his Maker." Mr. H. stated that had the 
President lived, and been in hcaltli; he intended on the 
next JSahhath to become a commnnicant at the Lord^s table. 
A part of tjie 15th of 1st Corinthians was then read, 
some selections from the Psalms, and a short prayer. No 
address or particular appeal was made to the assembl}'' or to 
any portion of it. 

It was after 11 o'clock, when the procession in front of 
the Presidential Mansion presented a complete line, and a 
few minutes before twelve, a funeral car entered the square, 
and drew up within the portico. It was of large dimen- 
sions, in form an oblong platform, on which was a raised 
dais, the whole covered with black velvet. From the cor- 
nice of the platform fell a black velvet curtain outside of 
the wheels to within a few inches of the ground. From the 
corners of the car a black crape festoon was formed on all 
sides, looped in the^entre by a funeral wreath. 

Precisely at 12 o'clock, a detachment of musicians, 
which had been marched up in front of the portico, played 
the Portuguese hymn, during which the body was moved, 
and placed on the car. The coffin was covered with a rich 
velvet, on which were placed two swords, laid across, (the 
Sword of Justice and the Sword of State), surmounted by 
the scroll of the Constitution, bound together by a funeral 
wreath formed of the yew and cypress. The car was drawn 
by six white horses, having at the head of each a colored 
groom, dressed in white, with white turban and sash, and 
supported by pall-bearers in black. The effect was very 
fjno. Tlie contrast of this slowly moving body of white 
•'.Tid l>':-f-k, 80 opposite to the strong colors of the military 
. 'nuk ^h'^ rye even from the greatest distance^ 






[d] appenpix. 451 

and gave a chilling warning beforcliand that the corpse WM 
drawing nigh. 

The most impressive portion <.r tlic military part of (lie 
procession consisted of the dismounted and mounted nfficcrs 
of the Army, Navy, Militia, and Volunteers. Seldom has 
there been exhibited within a space so limited so many dit*- 
tinguished military men, the sight of whose well-known 
figures led back our thoughts to many a bloody field, and 
many an ensanguined sea, on which the national honor has 
been well and nobly maintained. 

Next to the military were the clergy of the district and 
elsewhere, (dressed with scarfs, and with crape on the hat 
and left arm), about forty in number, in carriages. 

Then followed the attending physicians, in their private 
vehicles. 

Immediately behind the hearse were the male relatives 
of the deceased, including his old and faithful friends, Col- 
onels Todd and Chambers. 

Immediately after them President Tyler, in a carriage 
with the Secretary of State; then the several other Heads 
of Departments, and Mr. J. Q. Adams. Several members 
of the Judiciary Department followed, and then all the 
Ministers of Foreign Governments, now present, or their 
Secretaries. 

Next followed officers and soldiers who had served under 
General Harrison in the late war. Another division of the 
procession consisted of public societies and as.s«Kiationa 
preceded by their banners^ and wearing their respective 
badges. 

On the firing of the signal gun at the appointed hour, 
the procession moved along Pennsylvania avenue, under the 



452 APPENDIX. p>] 

fire of minute guns near the President's House, repeated at 
the City Hall, on the head of the column arriving opposite 
to it, and at the Capitol on its reaching the western gate 
of the enclosure. The music was excellent ; several fine 
bands playing mournful airs, giving place, from time to 
time, to the muffled drums of the military, beating slow 
marches. 

The solemnity of the scene was be3^ond description. 

Among the most touching incidents which occurred du- 
ring the procession was its meeting the Maryland Legisla- 
ture about half-way down the avenue. Having just arrived 
in the cars, the members, preceded by their officers, marched 
on to meet the funeral train of the President, and were 
immediately assigned their proper and honorable rank in 
the multitude of public mourners. 

Having reached the Capitol Square, passing on the 
south side of it, the procession advanced over the plains 
eastward till it reached the space in front of the Congres- 
sional Burying Ground. 

Here the car halted, while the line was formed by the 
military ; and then passed slowly on, being saluted as it 
passed with a dirge, with colors lowered, the troops present- 
ing arms, and the officers saluting it in military form. 
Having reached the principal entrance, the car was again 
halted ; the coffin was taken down and placed on the should- 
ers of the bearers ; the clergy advanced, and the Rev. Mr. 
Hawley, reciting the solemn funeral service of the Episco- 
pal Liturgy, the procession advanced down the principal 
avenue of the cemetery until it reached the receiving vault, 
where a space had been kept open by sentries under arms, 
and where a hollow square being formed, the coffin was 



[d] appendix. 453 

lowered iu the public vault, wliich was hung with fi'Mtoona 
of black crape ami mu.sliii. It is ti Hpacioua arched apart- 
ment at the extremity of the ground, perfectly dry. There 
were about eight eollins in it before that of General Harri- 
son was received into it. In the centre of this vault, a 
mahogany shell had been placed, and into tiiis shell the 
coffin was fitted, and the lid was then placed upon it, when, 
in an interval of '^ expressive silence," the coffin was con- 
veyed down into the tomb, and all that remained un earth 
of the President of this great Union was laid in its narrow 
bed ; near the other coffins almost unnoticed, and altogether 
unknown to us, how did all earthly grandeur dwindle to its 
real insignificance, and how impressively did the tomb teach 
it in that hour ! The immortality of Fame ! How did the 
bubble burst in the atmosphere of that house of death I 
And when I saw Tyler, Webster, Ewing, Bell, Crit- 
tenden and Granger enter that house, to take their last 
view of the coffin, and to emerge again with the weight of a 
nation's cares, added to present affliction upon them who 
could help exclaiming : " AVhat shadows we are, what shad- 
ows we pursue !" Among the last things which I observed 
were the tears of his old comrades in arms on many a hard- 
fought field, as they ascended out of the vault, and left 
their brave and beloved General in the embrace of the 
Universal Conqueror, adding another trophy to the tri- 
umphs of Death, and another portion to the spoils of the 
Grave. 

A signal being given to the troops outside, the battalion 
of Light Artillery, who were placed on an adjoining emi- 
nence, fired a salute, which was immediately followed by 
the several military bodies in line, who commenced firi'*^ 



454 APPENDIX. [d] 

from the left to the right, and had continued the salute till 
it had thrice gone up the whole line. 

The Vice-President appeared to be much affected. Mr. 
Ewing, the Secretary of the Treasury, was, at times, almost 
unmanned by the excess of his grief. Mr. Webster, Mr. 
Bell, Mr. Granger, and Mr. Crittenden evinced by their 
deportment that they felt their loss. 

The entire procession occupied two full miles in length, 
and was marshaled on its way by officers on horseback car- 
rying white batons with black tassels. The utmost order 
prevailed throughout ; and, considering the very great con- 
course of people collected, the silence preserved during the 
whole course of the march was very impressive. 

The procession returned by the same route to the city, 
where the troops were dismissed, and the citizens retired to 
their several abodes. By five o'clock, nothing remained 
but empty streets and the emblems of mourning upon the 
houses, and the still deeper gloom, which oppressed the 
general mind with renewed power after all was over, and 
the sense of the public bereavement alone was left to fill 
the thoughts. * 

It was the universal impression, that the procession was 
larger, and the whole effect more imposing, than that of the 
pageant of the Inauguration. In regard to solemnity, the 
two occasions of course admit of no comparison. The one 
was a nation in joy ; the other a nation in tears. 

REFLECTIONS IN THE EAST ROOM— April 7, 1841. 

The great East Room of the President's House, — that 
room in which I have seen a thousand gay and joyful faces 
glowing in the light of ponderous chandelierS; radiating the 



[^0 Al'it.NDIX. 455 

light of :i hundred burners, — was nuw the scene of dt-atb ! 
Those briHiant fountains of liglit were hid in tlic dnrk robiw 
of mourning. The sph>ndid mirrors, whielj roHo nhufist to 
the lofty ceiling, reflecting on every side the brilliant cn-wds 
wliich often thronged this room,' now refused to hwik upon 
the scene before them, and l)uried their polisht'd bosoms in 
the habiliments of sadness. In sliort, tin's mignitiecnt 
room, in every part of it, spoke in the appropriate language 
of silent grief, announcing to all — Death is here I 

The coffin rested in the centre of the room, and was 
richly and beautifully dressed. Closely attached to it wa-s 
a covering of black velvet. The edges where the top rested 
were delicately traced with fine gold luce, and on either side 
and at each end of the coffin the same material was formed 
into beautiful squares. A gorgeous velvet pall hung grace- 
fully over the whole, with a deep rich fringe appended to a 
border of gold lace. On the top of all reste^i two elegantly 
wrought swords in mourning, buried in a prolusion nt' lovely 
and fragrant flowers, which Flora had consecrated to tiiis 
» sad and melancholy service, as if to express the idea that 
swee^ess and beauty could conquer the sword and survive 
death itself I 

Around the coffin, and at an appropriate distance, was 
formed a circle composed of the new President of the 
United States, the heads of departments, the tlcrg)' of 
every denomination, judges of courts, and members of the 
bar. The next circle contained the foreign ministers in 
theu' rich and varied court dresses, with a number of mem- 
bers of both- Houses of Congress, and ihe relatives of the 
deceased President. Beyond this circle a vast asscuib! . 
of ladies and gentlemen lillcd up the room. Silence, deep 



456 APPENDIX. [d] 

and undisturbed, eyen b}' a whisper, pervaded the entire 
assembly. The solemn event which they were now gazing 
upon fixed every eye and hushed every tongue. When, at 
the appointed hour, the officiating minister rose from his 
seat, and as he rose in solemn tones announced these words, 
'^ / am the resurrection, and the life I" one simultaneous 
move placed this vast assemblage upon their feet on the first 
sound of 'the ministers voice, and a feeling of deeper awe 
rested upon every countenance, as he uttered the above sen- 
tence. Never before did I realize the grandeur and sub- 
limity of these words — never before did I feel the thrilling 
effect which the enunciation of this glorious Christian truth 
is capable of inspiring. 

At the close of these religious ceremonies, the coffin was 
conducted to the funeral car specially constructed for the 
occasion, where it was met and saluted by the solemn dirge 
of appropriate- music; and the procession moved off under 
the discharge of funeral artilleny, which uttered loud and 
long the nation's grief. > 

THE MOURNFUL INTELLIGENCE. 

As the news of the decease of the venerable President of 
this republic spread from city to city, there was every dem- 
onstration of the deep grief which the nation feels, at the 
removal by death, of the chief officer of the republic. In 
the smaller towns on the route of the mail hither, the per- 
sons always waiting at the railroad depots, heard the intel- 
lio-ence in silence, and turned away to communicate it to 
their friends, in that suppressed tone which is the indica- 
tion of true feeling. 

In Baltimore; on Sunday, the bells of the city ^ere 



M APPENDIX. 457 

tolled throughout the day, and the flags from various edi- 
fices floated at half mast, trimmed with the " insignia of 
woe." In several of tlu^ churches, the ministers took ad- 
vantage of the occasion, and made most impressive and af- 
fecting allusions to the national hercavcment, in the decease 
of the ]'resident. 

In rhihidolphin, the slip signed Ly all the heads of the 
department, announcing the fact, was road at the Exchange 
to about 500 persons, all of whom evinced much fi-eling, 
and without uttering a word left the room. In less than 
two minutes after the announcement not three persons of 
the dense crowd that had so lately tilled the apartment were 
to be seen. 

The news was received in New York a little before mid- 
night, by the evening train. At that hour, on account of 
the storm with which the afternoon closed, few persons were 
stirring, but as the intelligence was announced b}- the pas- 
sengers, it was received with the same demonstrations of 
grief and respect for the deceased, which had marked its 
reception in other cities. The news was circulated through 
a large part of the city ; but still could not be said to be 
generally circulated, until the appearance of the morning 
papers, dressed in the proper murks of mourning. 

New York is emphatically a reading city. The propor- 
tion of houses at which a morning paper is served in the city 
is probably as eight to ten, if not larger. Consequently 
almost the first thing that met every man's eye was the 
indication of the national loss, in the turned rules, and 
funeral appearance of the newspapers, whicli, with one ex- 
ception only, paid this mark of respect for the dei-eased. 
Made in a manner so striking, the announcement could c.t- 
39 



458 APPENDIX. [d] 

cape no onC; and men walked abroad to tlieir daily avoca- 
tions, with faces which betrayed what every honest man's 
heart felt. Our daily avocations make us among the ear- 
liest of early risers, and had we been, by any chance, unap- 
prised of the intelligence, we could have read in the faces 
of those whom we met, the unanimous declaration that some 
grief, for the general weal, oppressed our fellow-citizens. 

The method of striking fire alarms in this city prevents 
the use of the bells to toll an unexpected announcement. 1 : 

None were therefore struck, but at the usual hour of hoist- 
ing flags, the city standard, and the national ensign were 
displayed at half mast upon the City Hall. All the prin- 
cipal hotels, the political head quarters of both parties, and 
the other public buildings upon which flags are usually 
hoisted on public occasions, displayed them yesterday at 
half mast ; and the shipping at the piers and in the harbor 
wore the same testimonials of national grief. We never 
felt before so proud of our citizenship, as we did in exchang- 
ing remarks of sincere condolence with our friends of the 
opposition party, who thus testified that love of country is 
superior in American hearts to devotion to party. 

The courts met only to adjourn ; and the Common 
Council was convened to take measures for testifying the 
public sympathy and re^^pect. 

All the flags in Albany were displayed at half mast ; 
the Supreme Court and Court of Chancery adjourned, and 
an extraordinary meeting of the Common Council was con- 
vened at 12 o'clock. 

The Governor of the State sent a message to the legis- 
lature, which immediately adjourned after appointing com- 
mittees of arranorements. 



.^ 



['^1 APPF.NPIX. 409 

At ITartfurtl, and at all other |.Iacofl, ronohcd hy Btonm- 
boat hence, the news was flivinod by (he hnlf-nia««t flap, be- 
fore a word was spoken ; and many ritizeiiM hiniod nway 
without asking' or waitinir to lic.ir one word. Tlioro wa«i 
agony in that tolep:ra|)hic sermon. 

At Boston, the news of the death of the IVosidonf of 
the United States was received on Tuesday mominp. The 
shipping at the wharves hoisted their colors at half mast, 
and the Revenue Cutti-r Hamilton, Captain Sturpis, at an- 
chor in the liarbor, fired minute guns for an hour. Tiiis 
was done in compliance with the recommendation and in- 
structions of the Collector of that Port. The courts ad- 
jourued, and the Common Council was convened to take 
proper measures for a municipal okservance of tlie occa.sion. 
In every phice, indeed, throughout the land, the intelli- 
gence was received with mourning, dismay and solemnity. 
^0 event that has ever occurred since the death of Washing- 
ton has ever filled the nation with such sincere and univer- 
sal grief. 

FUNERAL CEREMOXIES ELSEWHERE. 

In addition to the ceremonies at Washington, there 
was, on the day and during the hours of the funeral obse- 
quies, a cessation of business, with other demonstrations of 
solemnity, in the great cities of l^altimoro, IMiiladelphia, 
New York and Boston. 

After due arrangements had been made, during the 
same or the following week, the afflicting dispensation 
was further solemnized by the delivery of addresses and 
large funeral processions in all the principalities and many 
other places. The procession in New York occupied a 



460 APPENDIX. [d] 

space of four miles, and was many hours in passing, with 
its large concourse and funeral tread. In Alhany there was 
a torch-light procession. The procession was accompanied 
by a full band of music, and the funeral urn, covered with 
its pall — the whole illuminated by the light of upwards of 
600 torches. It passed through the principal streets of the 
city between 8 and 10 o'clock. The night was still, and 
very dark ; and the effect produced by the long array of 
mourners at that unusual hour, — the funeral emblems, the 
solemn music, and the strong red glare of the torches, re- 
vealing from the gloom and lighting up with picturesque 
effect the houses and crowds of spectators which thronged 
the windows as they passed, — left an impression which will 
not soon be effaced from the memory of those who beheld 
the scene. 

Accounts are still coming in from every quarter of the 
very many public testimonies of the grief of the people, for 
the loss of their venerable and beloved Chief Magistrate. 

GENERAL HARRISON'S FAMILY. 

1. The following relatives of Gen. Harrison were pres- 
ent in the city on the day of the funeral, viz : / 
Mrs. Jane Harrison, of Ohio (son's widow), and two sons. 
Mrs. Taijlor, of Virginia (niece), a daughter and two 

sons. 

Pi^e Harrison (grand-son), son of J. C. Harrison, and 
grand-son of Gen. Pike. 

Mr. D. 0. Coupeland, of Ohio (nephew). 

Mr. Benjamin Harrison, of Berkley (nephew). 

Henry Harrkon (grand-nephew), son of the preceding, 
who has acted as confidential secretary of the President, 



M APPKNDIX. 4Q1 

Dr. John Minge, of Chailos City, Va fncphow). 
' We may also add the name of Mr^. Flmllet/, of Uino, 
\vho adopted Mrs. Jane Harrison as a duu^rlitor, and who 
almost invariably occupied tho riglit hand of the Pn-sidfUt 
at his table. 

2. The follo\7ing arc the surviving relatives who were 
absent : 

Mrs. Harrison, the General's bereaved widow. 

John Scott Harrison, the only living son. 

Mrs. Judge Short, eldest daughter. 

Mrs. Dr. Thornton, daughter. 

Mrs. Taylor, daughter. All these are living at or near 
North Bend. 

Mr. Taylor and his wife and family were expected to 
become members of the President's family, for tho whole 
term of his service. 

3. The following are the names of the deceased mem- 
bers of the family : 

Lucy Harrison, a daughter, married Judge Este. 

J. C. S. Harrison, a son, married Miss Pike. Both 
dead. 

Wm. H Harrison, Jr., married Miss Jane Irvine. His 
widow presided at the President's table, and her personal 
graces have commended her to the affections of all who have 
had the pleasure to know her. 

Dr, Benjamin Harrison, a son. Died the last s^mracr. 

Carter B. Harrison, who was a lawyer of fine talents, 
and accompanied General Harrison to Colombia. Died two 
years ago. All the sons left children. 

Mrs. Harrison, the President's widow, hai* been for 
many years a member of the Presbyterian church. Tho 
89 f= 



462 APPENDIX. [d] 

rest of the family are also Presbyterians, except Mr. Ben- 
jamin Harrison, who is an Episcopalian, and Mrs. Taylor, 
of Richmond, who is a member of the Baptist church. 



GENERAL HARRISON DEAD. 

BY ANN S. STEPHENS. 

Death sitteth in the Capitol ! His sable wing 
Flung its black shadow o'er a country's hope. 
And lo ! a nation bendeth down in tears. 
A few short weeks and all was jubilee, — 
The air was musical with happy sounds — 
The future full of promise — joyous smiles 
Beam'd on each freeman's face and lighted up 
The gentle eye of beauty. 
The Hero came — a noble good old man — 
Strong in the wealth of his high purposes. 
Age sat upon him with a gentle grace. 
Giving unto his manhood dignity. 
Imbuing it with pure and lofty thoughts 
As pictures owe their mellow hues to time. 
He stood before the people. Their' s had been 
The vigor of his youth his manhood's strength. 
And now his green old age was yielded up 
To answer their behest. 

Tk3usarids had gathered round the marble dome 
Silent and motionless in their deep reverence. 
Save when they gushed the heaving throb 
And low tumultuous breath of patriot hearts 
Surcharg'd with grateful joy. The mighty dead 
Bent gently o'er him with their spirit wings, 



[d] AprKNi»ix. 103 

As solonuily lie took tho <'artlil^ ntato 

Which fhiiig its purple u'vr liis pnth to Heaven. 

The oath was said, and then one nii^htv pulHO 

SeoiiiM throbhiiig throiiLdi the multitude — 

Faces were lifted upward, and n pray«'r 

Of deep thanksgiving wing'd that vow to Heaven. 

Time slept on flowers and lent his (Ilass to Hope — 

One little month his golden sands had sped 

When, mingling with the music of our joy, 

Arose and swell'd a low funeral strain. 

So sad and mournful, that a nation heard 

And trembled as she wept. 

Darkness is o'er the land, 
For lo ! a death flag streams upon tlie breeze, — 
The Hero Imth dcjyarted ! 

Nay, let us weep, our grief hath need of tears — 
Tears should embalm the dead, and there is one, 
A gentle woman, with her elinirinjr love. 
Who wrung her heart that she might give him up 
To his high destiny. Tears are for her, — 
She lingers yet among her household gods 
And knoweth not how low her heart is laid. 
From battle-fields where strife was fiercely waged, 
And human blood-drops fell a crimson rain, 
He had returned to her. God help thrn. Lady, 
Look not for him now ! 
Thron'd in a nation's love he sunk to sleep. 
And so awoke in Heaven. * 

New York, April 5. 



464 



APPENDIX. 



M 



VICE-PRESIDENT TYLER'S RECOMMENDATION OF A 

NATIONAL FAST. 

OFFICIAL. 

To the People of the United States. 

A KECOMMENDATION. 

When a Cliristian People feel themselves to be over- 
taken by a great public calamity, it becomes them to humble 
themselves under the dispensation of Divine Providence, to 
recognize His righteous government over the children of 
men, to acknowledge His goodness in time past, as well as 
their own unworthiness, and to supplicate His merciful pro- 
tection for the future. 

The death of William Henry Harrison, late Presi- 
dent of the United States, so soon after his elevation to 
that high ofi&ce, is a bereavement peculiarly calculated to 
be regarded as a heavy affliction, and to impress all minds 
with a sense of the uncertainty of human thiugs, and of 
the dependence of nations, as well as of individuals, upon 
our Heavenly Parent. 

I have thought, therefore, that I should be acting in 
conformity with the general expectation and feelings of the 
community in recommending, as I now do, to the People 
of the United States, of every religious denomination, that, 
according to their several modes and forms of worship, they 
observe a day of Pasting and Prayer, by such religious ser- 
vices as may be suitable on the occasion ; and I recommend 
Pi-iday, the fourteenth day of May next, for that purpose ; 
to the end that, on that day, we may all, with one accord, 
join in humble and reverential approach to Him, in whose 
hands we are, invoking him to inspire us with a proper 



^ 



m 



[n] APPFNinx. , 405 

spirit and toiiipcr ot lieart :uul iiiiiul unticr ibrno fruwns 
of His providence, uud still fo bestow His gracioun l)ODO- 
dictions upon our Governniont and our cnuntry. 

John Tylkr. 

Wasiiinoton, April IJ^, 1811. 

CONCLUSION. 

Thus the national bereavement, so signal and so over- 
whelming, has been acknowledged by many sincere dcnif»n- 
strations of sympathy and grief — and linally by an cxccutivo 
recommendation of a day of national fasting and prayer. 
President Tyler has done well to enter upon the honors 
of office by honoring our fiithers' God and ours ! The pub- 
lic solemnities attending the late fearful dispensation are 
appropriately concluded by the humiliation of the whole 
people before the majesty of Heaven. 

Christians ! the voice of God summons you to Zion ! 
Prepare ye to assemble at her solemn places with humilia- 
tion and prayer. The national visitation demands national 
penitence ; and the garment of our praise must be wrapped 
in the spirit of heaviness. 

Now therefore, our God, the gi'eat, the mighty, and the 
terrible God, who keepest covenant and mercy, let not all 
the trouble seem little before Thee, that hath come upoa 
us, unto this day. Howbeit Thou art just in all that is 
brought upon us; for Thou hast done right, but wo have 
done wickedly. We have not kept Thy law, nor hearkened 
unto Thy commandments and Thy testimonies, wherewith 
Thou didst testify against us ! 

To the Lord our God, belong mercies and forgiveneae, 
Lord, hear I Lord, forgive I 



314.77-2 



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